Political Planning and Development

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The Elections and the Municipal and Village Councils in the Era of the Palestinian Authority 1994 - 2000
(2003) Ali Mohammed Shati Nabhan; Prof. Abul-Sattar Qasim
This research paper conducted a historical and legal review for the municipal and village councils in Palestine. IN addition, it defined the terms of the municipal and village councils, and distinguished between both patterns of local administration and local government as well as the basic requirements which enable such councils to conduct this role and the related duties. Also, this study gave prominence to the reasons which prompted the Palestinian Authority to adopt an appointment policy instead of elections. The Palestinian Authority hinged its reasons of not holding elections for the municipal and village councils on the Israeli occupation, non-completion of withdrawals, and the stalemate in the political process. The real reasons behind such a behavior were set out in a memorandum put forward by the former head of the preventive security forces in Gaza. The authority feared of the possible sweeping victory of the Islamic Resistance Movement (Hamas) in the elections of these councils. Such victory would provide legitimacy for Hamas to replace the official Palestinian Authority in the representation of the Palestinian people. What came in this memorandum was substantiated by interviewing many people representing many Palestinian political spectrum; the persons interviewed are listed within this study with their whole names. The policy of appointment resulted in the failure of many municipal and village councils which were unable to carry out their duties. Many of them came to a point of financial bankruptcy; a thing which made the elections a matter of urgent necessity in view of the benefits to be gained by the Palestinian people. Above all these benefits is giving the Palestinian people the opportunity to take part in the political life.
The Role of Students' Councils in Palestinian University in Prompting Political Participation of Palestinian Students' Movement and the Effect of this Role on Making Political Development in Palestine
(2003) Jehad Yousif Abd Alrahman Isaid; Prof. Abd Asattar Qassem
This dissertation chronicles and analyzes the role of students' councils in leading the Palestinian students' movement through different stages, mainly before Oslo agreements and after it, at the time period 1979-2000. I chose Al najah University and Beirzeit University for two reasons: First, they are the largest two universities in two main geographical areas. Second, most of the Palestinian students' organizations, university councils and even the student movement were born in those two universities. The main objective of this study is to measure the political behavior of students' councils, as an elected leadership for the students' movement in Palestinian universities, according to the concept of political participation. Elements of the study concentrate on discussing the following topics: Students movement yearly elections, students' movements' political behavior after the elections, students movement leadership and finally the future of the Palestinian students movement. The study is preceded by a theoretical discussion about students' movements in the world, in addition to an identification of concepts. Very few studies are available about the students' movement in Palestine, this thesis is the first about the subject. I collected and analyzed hundreds of documents which are related to the students' movement from 1979, when it started to be organized and politically active until 2000.And I interviewed most of the student previous leaders who led the students' activism in different stages. The results of the study show that students' movement in Palestinian universities is not particularly identified, we are talking about unorganized movement but largely politicized. The political parties and movements in Palestine, Islamic and national movements, affected the students' movement to be politicized in away that those parties and movements want; also it affected the students' movement to be not united. Students' council's yearly elections are a step forward towards political participation, but it couldn’t create full legality for the students' councils to represents the students' movement. The Students' movements' political behavior after the elections is neither organized nor united, and made the speech of the students' movement also different. This fact is mainly caused by the political movements which support the students' organizations that form the students' movement. A great responsibility lays upon students leaders. They need to create new "culture of dialogue" between the students' organizations. The conflict comes from leaders' belongingness to political movements and parties and membership in the students' movement. I clarified the difference between the role of political movement and the role of students' movement as a social group. A student leader can benefit from his experience and activities in a political movement to promote the role of the student movement in the society, but a student leader mustn’t change the student movement into political party which can serve his personal or political aims. Most of the Palestinian student movement leaders were members in political movements and they served their aims through students' activism. Students' councils could not lead the students' movement to play an active role in political participation after the elections or what is called "participatory democracy". For example they could not succeed in organizing protests against the Palestinian Authority's bad behavior although they don't agree with the PA in their speech. The results also show that Oslo Agreements played a critical role in dividing the students' activism into "with or against Oslo". Students' organizations that has different ideologies, Islamic movements and Marxist movements, succeeded to build an agreement against "Oslo Groups" who are supported by PN. Within this struggle between political movements, which used their supporting students' organizations, the students' movement didn’t balance between political objectives and democratic objectives as a social group. For example they didn’t show concern in students female interests, no female student led a university council except once in 1970s when the leadership of Beirziet University council were arrested. I think that students, through a well organized movement can play a main role in creating political participation and then promoting political development. I suggest that students' councils must be united into a comprehensive and fixed establishment which can lead the students' movements independently to achieve the students' interests and participate in making politics in Palestine. This establishment could be the existing but not working Palestinian Students Union. The Palestinian Students Union is related historically with the PLO. Islamic movements are not implied in it since they are not sharing in the PLO. As the recent, not elected, leadership of the Union says "they are ready to change many point in the unions system that make problems for the Islamic groups, such as considering the union as a PLO organization. Long negotiations were held between all parts including the Islamic groups to rebuild and renew the role of the union, but no success was achieved. The PN affected this fail. I suggested that negotiations must be renewed to achieve this goal.
The Effect of Escalation of Political Official Violence on the Level Islamic Political Participation in the Arab World After Sep.11.2001
(2003) Nasser Fahed Ali Khbbass; Prof. Abd Asattar Qassem
This study tackles the Arab official political violence and its effect upon Islamic Political participation after Sep. 11th 200l. At the beginning, concepts and idioms related to the target study is tackled e.g. the concept of political violence, terrorism and political participation. The study shows that there has been great misconception and deliberate misunderstanding among these concepts by interior and Arab parts in addition to other exterior ones benefiting from this misconception and deepen it to serve their aims in the Arab territory. Such conceptions, terrorism for example, include many different meanings which are jumped over to describe some countries failing to notice that these characteristics are found more in such accusing countries rather than the accused ones. The Arabic territory with its countries is considered the unique model concerning the form and the content of relation between the official or non-official political violence and the political participation of the social sectors in these countries. The official political violence took the form of tyrany, which was clear in tyrant political decisions and encircling, penetrating civil social activities in Arab countries in addition to security pursuit to everyone, organization. .. etc. thinking of change of development to keep the Arab region as stable pool attracting those ambitious people under the motto of change and democracy. The relation between Islamic and the Arab official systems vibrated during the last three decades in the twentieth century. Political violence got more ethel more after Sep. 11lh2001through financial and security pursuit and security coordination with the Americans... etc in the American campain on "terrorism". This campain resulted 1Il the Islamic and their supporters through their rushing in political participation 1I1 any elections in every Arab country and practising armed violence against exterior fores. This fact shows that lslamics felt that they were the target of the American war on "terrorism" and emphasizes the absence of Arab social voice and the extreme need for it. So I believe that there is an urgent need to have areal political development comprising all the political to give the chance for energies and inventions to overcome tyrany and aggression falling upon Arab societies by political systems.
Cultural Globalization and the Arab Political Culture: Democratic Reform Programs and Participatory Arab Political Culture
(2005) Omar Mustafa Mohammad Samha; د. باسم الزبيدي
The current study aimed at examining the consequences of the western political reform programs, imposed through cultural globalization and the global face man on Arab political culture in its participant dimension, especially in the new world order which witnessed numerous changes, from the beginning of the last decade, lead to control over the world by the united states. With the tremendous advances and revolution in communication technologies, many nations felt the threat of the imposition of American culture on the entire world and control over the consumer needs, wishes, desire and way of life. This fear has led to the concept of Americanization as an equivalent substitute to globalization. Communication between nations during the age of globalization is considered as the main powerful source of nations for the creation of there own figures and values and if one consider the changes among the main concerned institutes for the creation of such values – family and school – one can easily and deeply envisage the threat that facing the Arab culture. The infiltration of the international organizations and global companies by the Americans doubles these threats and increases the chances for the involvement and interference of countries internal affairs a situation might lead to a state of liquidity of the concept of sovereignty. Such a situation added more threat to the countries of the south in general and to the Arab World in particular as the aristocratic regimes of such countries failed to integrate its people within other social and political structures, a situation imposing a further threat for the return for older governmental regimes controlled by family, tribal and religious roles which in turn makes the possibility of political participation in decision and policy making out of question. The use of the western culture was one of the first to be used through the European colonization at earlier stages of our history through various missionary groups that imposed the culture of the invaders aiming at the maintenance of the status of the ruling groups even after the withdrawal of the colonizers. The main aim of colonization was the control over natural recourses of these countries in order to support the European industry. The history seems to repeat itself as culture seems to play an important role of the American strategy with the aim to take control over oil recourses and to create new markets for its products through global companies. All this takes place under the name of democracy and social reforms. It is clear that the alleged reforms has nothing to do with the well being of the nations of the area and includes a huge amount of heat ridge and racism through cultural tools with the alleged aim of reforms in favor of humanities and those behind these reforms aim at the divergence of the world towards the American vision of the world. This of course will lead to the destruction of the culture of the nations and prolong colonization. The American plans started after the events that took place in the cities of Washington and New York in September 11, 2001 under the name of fight against international terrorism were the USA announced an international state of emergency. This country that pretends to be the most democratic country over the world practiced many violations with respect to human rights and involvement of many Arab regimes in the fight against terrorism is a further involvement of such regimes in the violation of human rights and more oppression. Looking through the practices of the Libyan controlling regimes, which surrendered to the USA, one can clearly see how the USA no longer speaks of violations of the human rights in this country. Another clear example is the Iraqi situation as the USA promised a state of democracy in a country with the now believes that an aristocratic regimes is more merciful than the occupation, which came by the name of liberation. To impose its strategies, the USA announced the Great Middle East project, which will further divide the divided with the aim of creation rolling regimes that serve its ambitions for the control over oil recourses a situation that will never allow the creation of an opposing body on the international front. This will for sure destroy the civilization and the culture of the area and the involvement of other countries with Islam as a major cultural common factor (with the exception of Israel) and oil is being the economic common factor. These are the main two factors in the American strategy in the area, Islam is behind the terrorist attacks, and this issue is handled through political and cultural reforms. International terrorism gave the USA the rights to interfere with the internal affairs of area presenting Israel as a part of the solution and not as the problem of the area. The unlimited supporting role of the USA to Israel as well as to certain fascist’s regimes in the area created a deep hearted to this policy among the people of the area. The proposed Great Middle East project was designed to reverse the priorities of the Arab world through the American adoption of the Israeli concepts of terrorism.
Prospects of Democratic Transition in Palestinian Political System, Dilemmas of the Relations Between the P.L.O and the P.N.A as a Major Factor
(2006) Hasan Saleh Ali Ayoub; Dr. Nayif Abu Khalaf
The study: "Prospects of Democratic Transition in Palestinian Political System, dilemmas of the relations between the P.L.O and the P.N.A as a major factor" is an effort to analyze and understand factors and interrelations of Palestinian political and nationalistic experience from the perspective of democratic transition. In this regard, the study goes for the evaluation of democratic aspects of PPS in the era prior to the endorsement of Oslo Accords, and the establishment of the PNA, in which the PLO was dominating the system. Then the study moves forward to explore prospects of democracy in the PPS under the PNA. The approach applied in the study based on the analysis of objective as well as subjective factors, whether internal or external, which contributed in shaping the structures and institutions of the PPS, and other factors which might play role in determining schemes of change in the system. To the extent related to the issue, the study tackles and overviews and analyzes literature and historical evidences, along with the data of the current situation (1993-2003), in order to diagnose correlations that have a potintial to provide an explanation of non democratic proxies of the PPS from the viewpoint of an understanding of the current situation of political life in Palestine in terms of conflict with a new-colonial occupying force to achieve the goals of self determination and the establishment of an independent Palestinian State in the POT since 1967. It means that the evaluation of democratic experience and possibilities of democratic transition should remain attached to the concept of "National democratic liberation struggle", a liberation struggle with democratic perspective. In the core, the study provides an elaboration of the emergence and development of the PPS, its dynamics, powers, effecting factors, and changes it witnessed in several historical junctions up to the dramatic changes in the aftermath of 1993. Through this elaboration, the study shades light on the shortcomings of the PPS and the causes that prevented it to make a notable advance towards the achievement of most of its goals and objectives. The study seeks answers to a number of questions, and to tackle hypothesis concerning the changes of socio-political structure of the Palestinian political field, particularly those affiliated to the dilemmas of the problematic relationship - between the PLO & the PNA, the study suggests that this relation is not a supporting factor in the democratic transition of the system. As for the fact that the PPS does not live and developed neither in a social or a socio-economic vacuum, nor a political one in terms of active internal actors of the system, and external effecting actors, the study sought to validate the assumption that structural changes took place in the Palestinian society have produced a political system with distinct characteristics which are not in favor of achieving democracy, not to mention national liberation. Those social and economic changes have affected the very nature of political actors (factions, organizations and parties) within the system, at the same time the socio-economic structure of Palestinian society was effected by means and approaches of the political system itself in ways that shaped a totalitarian model of domination. With an understanding of democracy, in the Palestinian context, as one means to achieve and build national sovereignty, the study focuses on the concepts of constructing national integration and solidarity, and political coherence, and the issues of re-building Palestinian society. In other words the concept of building the nation which is a core part of democracy in the situations of national liberation, and the study assumes, in this respect, that the achievement and the actualization of these concepts in political terms are faced by number of obstacles, among them the distortion of the PPS merges from structural shortcomings under the PNA. Those shortcomings are a result of objective factors related to the very foundation of the PNA as a deducted political entity, and the constrains implied on it due to the signed agreements with Israel that prevent the progressive developments of socio- economic, political, and legal frameworks, that serve the purpose of democratizing the system, on the one hand. On the other hand the consequences of choices made by the dominating elites in the system played a clear role in frustrating possibilities of democratization. The study provides a deep close insight of those assumptions through six chapters, starting with the theoretical discussion of concepts of democracy and civil society in the first chapter. The second chapter shades light on the concept of democratic transition and its approaches and theories. In the third chapter, there is a review of literature concerning the domain of the study is presented, and then it provides a theoretical and methodological framework to study the PPS. The fourth chapter deals with socio-economical, social and socio-political changes in Palestinian society, and their political implications on the system. In addition the chapter discusses the issue of civil society, and Palestinian political culture, and its role in democratic transition. The political structure of the PPS is the concern of the fifth chapter, including the current situation in terms of its characteristics, limitations, and components, in this context the study analyzes the situation of the political parties, and the changes which took place in it, and how these changes affected the possibilities of democratic transition of the PPS. The sixth chapter provides several levels of description and analyzes to the current situation of the PPS under the PNA, in terms of factors shaped the foundation and characteristics of the PNA, and factors that could determine the changes in the system.
The Role of the United States of America in the Democratic transformation process in Palestine (George Bush's Term of Office 2001-2006)
(2008) Qusai A. Hamed; Dr. Ra'ed Nu'airat
This study investigated a subject that has been increasingly talked about since 2001 in terms of its dimensions, justifications and timing. This subject marks a new stage or a turning point in the history of the Palestinian Authority (PA). The researcher tackled the role of the USA in effecting a democratic change in Palestine against the backdrop of the American foreign policy's interest in reformation in the wake of the 11 September 2001 events. Since then, the American political discourse has mainly focused on fighting «terrorism» and proliferation of democracy in the Middle East. The issue of PA's reformation gained momentum and was raised at a time when the American policy was moving towards new changes in its attitude towards the Middle East. It has begun to set up new strategies to protect its interests and tighten its control and influence in the whole region. At the same time, the Israeli-Palestinian issue has experienced a state of rupture in the wake of the failure of settlement efforts and restoration of calm between the two sides. Against this backdrop, the American-Palestinians relations have gradually been affected. These relations have witnessed a state of deterioration, thus forcing the American administration to draw up a new policy towards the PA. This is partly attributed to the Palestinian leadership political behavior which sent messages about the difficulty of raising the ceiling of the Palestinian demands to match Israel's reservations concerning its security. All these combined have necessitated a reevaluation of the role the Palestinian leadership has played in the whole peace process and how it has contributed to the impediment of a settlement agreement. Against this background, the researcher's first hypothesis is that the US's need to reach a Palestinian-Israeli agreement, which serves its strategic interests and goals in the Middle East and its aspiration to protect Israeli security, has become a motivation as well as an argument to ask the PA to introduce political reformations and transformation toward democratization of governance. The researcher's second hypothesis is that serving these interests and the nature of the Israeli-American relations and the issue of settlement are the major determinants for the US's acceptance of democratic change in the PA. To test these two hypotheses, the researcher used the historical method to trace the development of the Israeli-American relations and how the Palestinian cause has begun to crystallize in the American politician's mind set and how this cause is receiving a burgeoning importance from the American foreign policy makers. In addition, the researcher used the analytical method to investigate the role of the American foreign policy in effecting a democratic change in Palestine. To this end, the researcher analyzed the goals and strategies which the American foreign policy has set up and employed in dealing with the Palestinian political system between 2001-2006 (the time determinants of the study). The researcher also dwelt on the American political trends towards the Palestinian political system after the presidential and legislative elections. In this respect, the researcher analyzed the most salient of these trends and the degree of agreement with the hypotheses. This study was divided into four chapters. Chapter one was devoted to the structure of the study, its objectives, problem and methodology. In addition, the researcher provided a survey of previous literature on the various aspects of the study. Chapter two provided a historical framework for the study and was divided into two sections. Section one traced the development of the USA's relationship with the Palestinian cause and how its interest in fostering its relations with Israel started and increased after taking a decision to play influential roles in the international policy after the Second World War. The researcher has concluded that the American policy has always been employed to the investment of Israel's military, economic and scientific superiority as a strategic source in the region. Its positions towards the Palestinian cause have been in full harmony with the requirements for Israel's superiority. This has led her to work to break up some Arab countries' alliance with the ex-Soviet Union and include them in the American alliances. Therefore, the American move to settle the conflict has been motivated by its desire to achieve a settlement which allows Israel to enjoy stability on the security level and neutralize the Arab countries' threats to it, and to give the latter an opportunity to integrate in the Middle East through economic cooperation and pave the way for more integration in the region. In the second section of chapter two, the researcher explained the political and ideological changes which affected the Palestinian political trends particularly concerning the attitude towards the Palestinian state and the strategies for its realization. The researcher has found a sharp decline in the Palestinian attitude towards the nature of this would- be- state in comparison with the foundations of the PLO's and Hamas's covenants. This perception puts aside all ideas on which these covenants have been built. These covenants once included the talk about a state from the River Jordan to the Mediterranean Sea (the Palestinian homeland). There has also been a change in the strategies to achieve this state. It has become crystal clear in the current discourse from the talk about the idea of armed struggle as the method to full liberation to a talk about the possibility of a political settlement (according to the PLO) and its acceptance as an option (by Hamas) at a time when the latter was categorically against it. This is in addition to Hamas's readiness for a long-term hudna (truce) with Israel. The researcher attributed this retraction in Palestinian political attitudes to the absence of a unified Palestinian working strategy to meet the challenges and international developments. This is in addition to the Palestinians' over-weighing of internal factors in facing objective circumstances. The desire of the Palestinian factions to keep themselves in the circle of influence in the Arab-Israeli conflict and to monopolize the Palestinian decision, have pushed them to adapt their policies in return for achieving an international recognition for their legitimacy. In chapter three, the researcher tackled the changes which took place, at the international arena, after the events of Sept 11, 2001 and their repercussions on the American foreign policy towards the Middle East. The researcher, in this context, shed light on the extent of the effect of these changes on the US's concept of national security and the expansion of its perceptions towards its protection. The researcher also highlighted how this change has contributed to the kicking off of a comprehensive policy and has effected political, economic, cultural and social reformations in the Middle Eastern societies, thus allowing it to play a leading role in the international foreign policy and an intervention in internal policies and affairs of countries, as well as monitoring these countries' policies in fighting «terror» and fostering principles of freedom and democracy. The researcher also investigated the American role in the reformation of the PA. He highlighted the political, economic and cultural strategies the American foreign policy makers employed to achieve the coveted reformations in the context of its perception of the outputs of the reformation process and what this reformation will achieve in the region. The researcher shed light on visions and perceptions which the US is expecting as outputs of the process of democratic change and how these meet its general policy towards the Middle East and the visions it has drawn up to reform it. The researcher concluded that the US has resorted to the reformation of the PA and to the change of the Palestinian political leadership due to its weakness to present serious initiatives to solve the conflict and put pressure on Israel to show more flexibility, in sensitive issues, in the settlement process. The US resort to reformation came as an attempt to change the Palestinian foundations on hard core issues in the negotiations and change their perceptions which are based on international legal resolutions. The US has wanted to introduce new perceptions which take into consideration the de facto on the ground particularly concerning the issues of refugees, Jerusalem and settlements. It was also an attempt from the US to effect changes in the Palestinian cultural environment which accordingly leads to a change in the political environment on the basis of promoting new perceptions and alternatives to solve the Palestinian cause and focus on dealing with the requirements of the solution and its potential in a realistic way taking into consideration the changes on the ground and the unrealistic implementation of the UN resolutions, return of the refugees, the Palestinian control of Jerusalem and the dismantle of settlements. In chapter four, the researcher analyzed the American political towards of the PA after the latter's realization of some of the reformation demands. The holding of pluralistic elections was a case in point. The researcher provided an analysis of the American administration policy and its orientations in the wake of the developments which the Palestinian political life has witnessed and the link between the goals, positions and means adopted concerning the Palestinian political system. One of the results of this analysis is that the US has focused on pushing forward the resumption of the peace process and the strengthening of the moderate party in the PA, thus allowing the speeding up of the signing of an agreement which includes establishment of a temporary Palestinian state and putting on the shelf the final status issues. The US also has wanted to invest the Israeli vision based on a unilateral solution and put it in the context of Road Map achievements. This clearly proves that USA has never had a clear cut policy toward the settlement of the Palestinian question. Rather, it has always counted on investment of the Israeli steps and setting them up in the context of a two-state solution vision. To tune up these steps with the speeding up of steps to arrive at an Israeli-Palestinian agreement, it was necessary for the US to abort any attempt that might strengthen Palestinian negotiating position, which would possibly enable Palestinian to stay firm on more sensitive issues which would in turn delay any conclusion of agreement on this track. Therefore, it has always worked to keep a state of rupture within the Palestinian camp particularly between Fateh and Hamas movements. This was crystal clear after the Mecca accord which secured a Palestinian consensus concerning the international demands. It made strenuous efforts to keep them under its pressure. The researcher believes that the American administration has benefited from Palestinians' keeping the negotiations on the shoulders of the PLO, thus preventing them from rendering any reforms in the structure and hierarchy of the PLO on Palestinian national foundations within Palestinian determinants for the framework and priorities of negotiations before participating in the negotiation process. In the final analysis, the Palestinian party has remained weak, the negotiations have continued but without allowing the Palestinian parties to play a role that may strengthen the Palestinian negotiating position.
The Impact of the Electronic Press on the Palestinian Political Development in Palestine (West Bank & Gaza Strip) from 1996 up to 2007
(2008) Khaled Ameen Maali; Prof. Abdel Sattar Qasem
This study aims at understanding the impact of the Palestinian electronic press on the Palestinian political development starting from the establishment of the first Palestinian press electronic website in 1996 and up to 2007, getting acquainted to the Palestinian electronic press, and analyze its reality. It seeks to provide answers to several questions pertaining to the study, particularly the impact of the Palestinian electronic press on the Palestinian internal situation. Meanwhile, the subject of this research necessitates the application of the analytical descriptive approach in order to describe the reality of the Palestinian electronic press and analyze its components. This thesis discusses the role of the Palestinian electronic press to raise the Palestinian awareness, increase the ceiling of freedom mainly for confronting the Israeli occupation and uncovering its practices, and it seeks to know its assumed responsibility as a “safety valve” for the Palestinian internal situation. The researcher presents a historical background on the establishment and development of the electronic press, then he briefs up the establishment and development of the Internet, defines it, and its impact on the establishment of the electronic press, including its various characteristics. The researcher tries to propose a definition of the electronic press and its relation with the classic press. The researcher has reviewed the establishment and development of the international electronic press, and then tracked how the printed press has concurred with transformed to the electronic form through establishing electronic press websites and the resulting challenges. The researcher, then, browses the establishment and development of the Internet in Palestine accompanied by the emerging of the Palestinian electronic press, which has surpassed in several aspects the classic mass media; a thing that has accelerated the awareness of the other nations of the reality of the occupation. The researcher, then, discusses the reality of the Palestinian electronic press, and illustrates how it has gone apart from the professional criteria in the midst of the internal conflict and its failure in this regard, despite its success against the occupation. He elaborates on the “press war” between the Israeli occupation and the pro-Palestinian electronic websites. He argues the hypothesis that the Palestinian electronic press strengthens and reinforces the foundations of the Palestinian political development through increasing the ceiling of freedom, and the interchangeability between the electronic press and the political change and public opinion, and its relation with the political education. In this regard, he explains the study’s most important conclusions for the reinforcement of the bases of the Palestinian political development through the electronic press. The researcher has concluded several recommendations in order to overcome the negativeness of and develop the Palestinian electronic press. It is necessary for the press body and Ministry of Information to define the allowed ceiling when dealing with internal crises, acknowledging honor press charter, reinforcing professionalism, developing the Palestinian electronic press apart from partisanship or factionalism, and formulate an organizing strategic vision toward reform, change and political development.
The Impact of Palestinian Ostentation Websites on the Political Affiliation and Attitude: Students of An-Najah National University as a Model (2000-2007)
(2008) Ameen Abdulaziz Dablan Abowardeh; Dr. Uthman Uthman
This study aims at discovering the effect the Palestinian news websites have on An Najah University students as a sample of the entire Palestinian student population of more than 80 thousand. The study also aims at determining the relationship between these websites and political affiliation of these students in an attempt to discover positive effects these sites have on the students from a patriotic and academic perspectives, or any negative effects, if any. This thesis also discusses the relationship between communications and the Internet, media and electronic journalism, as well as the relationship between students and websites and employing these sites to influence the students politically. The researcher begins with a historical introduction and development stages of said sites. He also talks about the uses, characteristics, as well as the effect these sites have on students in general, and An-Najah students in particular. The researcher delves into the technical and special attention given to these sites by political movements. The researcher also discussed the role these sites played during the Intifada and how they dealt with the periods of political strife and infighting. The researcher reached a few conclusions that these websites played a role in political polarization among the students and that such polarization contributed to intolerance and rigidity among political movements, and that financing was behind such rigidity. The thesis shows that the Palestinian public in general and the student segment in particular are influenced by these websites due to the huge amounts of information and analysis these sites offer which makes it easier for the audience to evaluate the issues and give them the tools to judge matters more logically despite lack of credibility of some sites. The thesis showed that such websites had contributed and intensified political division among the students and to the general deterioration of relationships among them. It also ruled out the existence of a relationship between websites and dependency on it a source of information, from the students perspective. The thesis outlines that staying tuned to these websites did not contribute to the political affiliation of the students, but rather they play a role in attracting students toward political events in general and issues at hand, but not political affiliation, from the perspective of the surveyed students at An-Najah University. The study also shows that the Palestinian news websites were tools to spread information and that they ranked second to satellite TV. Radio and printed newspapers ranked last.The observer of the Palestinian media outlets through the period 2006-2008 will notice that such outlets clearly became part of the internal political crisis and that they did not perform in a professional manner, but rather were involved in the political infighting. The researcher concluded by recommending that these sites maintain a minimum standard of professionalism in dealing with the news and that they should endorse a charter of honor so as to determine the nature of the relationship among them. He also recommended sunning differences and divisions as well as refusing conditional outside financing because of the clear effects such financing have on operation and policy of these sites, especially those that receive funds from Western certain government.He also recommended rejecting extremist accusations because of the detrimental effect they have on the social fabric, and recommended an agreement on terminology used in the Palestinian media and staying away from such terminology that may provoke tensions and internal strife.
The Role of Locally Printed Press in the Democratic Transformation in the West-Bank Al-Quds As a Model (2004-2007)
(2008) Hafez Ali Hafez Abu Ayyash; Dr. Nayef Abu Khalaf
In tackling the role of the locally printed media in democratic transformation, the researcher, in this study, linked automatically the mass media, in their general form, with both political development and democracy. Further, the researcher worked to identify the dialectical relationships which link them with each other. The media's job is to allow the flow of objective and neutral information and expression of all opinions based on the principle of opinion versus other opinion, thus increasing political participation, as an important principle in democracy, and effecting a political and cultural momentum that contributes towards the required change, through political development, to get to modernization, the essence of political development itself. Besides, the researcher linked between the media and elections and emphasized the essence of relationship linking them especially in the freedom of opinion and expression. Neither elections nor media are possible without that freedom. The media cannot be excluded because they are one of the joints of the democratic process during the election period and they play a key role in pushing the course of democracy. Against this background and despite the dramatic developments in the field of information technology, which has led to the development of the mass media and their impact on printed press, emergence of satellite channels and Internet, the researcher still believes that the age of the printed press has not ended. Its role is still valid until today. This form of press has not become defunct and is still a major player given the characteristics it enjoys over other forms of mass media. The news story, written and published in the paper, is different from the news story in electronic media: TV, radio, Internet. Writing has the potential to fire the reader's imagination to think of the events, through contemplation, refer to these events a number of times and adopt an idea in a certain way. The reader can also quote from the written text and subject it to criticism and comment, thus enriching subject of debate and contributing to uncover of truth. Equally important, the paper will also have a greater opportunity to analyze the news story because it is published the next day, thus giving it another opportunity to collect more information, analyze it and present it on its pages in logical fashion and this will enable the reader to understand and learn. To move from theory to practice, the researcher chose Al-Quds daily as a model for his study in order to test his three hypotheses. The first part of the first hypothesis was that Al-Quds contributed to democratic transformation through quantitative analysis which revealed the volume of the paper's coverage of its subjects as well as its commitment to several criteria stipulated in the Palestinian Elections Law. The other part of the hypothesis predicted weak contribution of Al-Quds towards democratic transformation in the light of the result of qualitative analysis which showed lack of depth in the analysis of news stories and reports. The other two hypothesis were proved to be true concerning the legislations, which regulate the work of the media, including the printed press. They had impeded the democratic transformation. It was also found that presence of democracy reinforced the role of locally printed press and contributed to democratic transformation. The researcher divided his study into four chapters and used two scientific methods. The first, used in the first three chapters, was the descriptive analytical method. While the second, used in the fourth chapter, was the analytical method of content: qualitative and quantitative. Chapter one was devoted to the theoretical conceptual framework. In this chapter , the researcher defined a number of concepts: press political development, democracy, democratic transformation. In addition, he identified the common ground of all these concepts in an analytical context which shows the nature of relationships and existing overlap between them. Chapter two dealt with the reality of locally printed press in Palestine from a historical perspective starting from the Ottoman era (1876-1918) to the British occupation (1918-1948) to the Jordanian and Egyptian rule of the West Bank and Gaza Strip respectively (1948-1967), the Israeli military occupation (1967-1994) and ending with the advent of the Palestinian Authority in 1994 to 2007. This historical surrey was meant to shed light on the circumstances which the Palestinian press has experienced, and the laws which governed its operation, and the most outstanding papers which were produced during these eras. The chapter also examined the roles which the press played since its introduction to Palestine, and the extent of differences from one era to another. Chapter three was devoted to the examination of the most important theories on democratic transformation, democratic media and the possibility of projecting them on the Palestinian case and the Palestinian media in particular. In chapter four, the researcher conducted an analysis of the role of Al-Quds in the democratic transformation in Palestine through a systematic sample determined during legal periods in which its was allowed to exercise electioneering publicity during the three democratic transformations which began with the holding of local government elections on Dec.23, 2004, the second presidential elections on Jan.9 2006 and which ended with the legislative elections on Jan.25, 2006 . The researcher examined the extent of Al-Quds's commitment to present all points of views of candidates in an impartial and objective way. In order to find out the degree of the paper's respect of the laws and regulations stipulated in the Palestinian Elections Law which was passed to organize the elections process including the exercise of electioneering. At the end of the study, the researcher provided a number of conclusions as well as several recommendations which might contribute to the solution of the problem of the study.
Impact of the Second Palestinian Legislative Elections on Palestinian Democratic Transformations
(2008) Khalil Mohamad Mahmood Abu Arab; Dr. Raid Nairat
This study examined the impact of the second Palestinian legislative elections on Palestinian democratic transformations within the Palestinian society in the wake of the Islamic Resistance Movement (Hamas)'s winning of these elections. To this end, the researcher raised questions pertinent to the impact of these elections on the future of the Palestinian political system. The researcher also studied the variables which have affected the political system from the ratification of Oslo Accords to the second parliamentary elections which effected important changes in the Palestinian democracy. To answer the questions of this study, the researcher began with a survey of Oslo Accords in terms of their nature and their effect on the Palestinian society. The researcher specifically investigated how the Palestinians got engaged in the political process and its impact on the Palestinian political system. As a matter of fact, their Palestinian Israeli agreements in Oslo had affected the Palestinian political system and created a state of division within the Palestinian society inside and in the Diaspora. Nevertheless, the agreement made it possible for the Palestinians to establish the first Palestinian authority in their land. However, this authority did not have full sovereignty. The researcher also explained that these agreements had written off the Palestinians' demand for the restoration of the 1948 lands after their acceptance and recognition of the UN resolutions 242 and 338. The researcher then moved to discuss the nature of the Palestinian political system and the impact of that on the democratic transformations in the Palestinian society. To this end, the researcher examined the influence of the second Palestinian legislative elections in the Palestinian factions and forces. These elections and their results were a very important turning point in the Palestinian society. All Palestinian national factions and forces, except Islamic Jihad, participated in these elections landslide. The victory of Hamas in these elections was a political upheaval in the political system from being a one- party political system to a system characterized by political pluralism. This victory by Hamas in these legislation elections surprised all including Hamas itself. That stunning victory came after the democratic process to proved that the Palestinian people's option was not necessarily supportive of the foreign and American position. Smoothness and quiet, which accompanied these elections, also astonished observers and the public. The Palestinians individuals and institutions, took upon themselves to make these elections a success. No violations were reported during the election process. This made international observers consider what had happened a big change in the democratic course of the Palestinian people. The researcher concluded that these elections have contributed to the reinforcement of the state of democracy in the Palestinian society and this in turn was reflected in the Palestinian political reality. However, the changes in the aftermath of these elections had had a great impact on the role played by the state's institutions in effecting this change particularly after Hamas moved from opposition and resistance to authority take over, and Fatah movement's change of position from authority to partial opposition. Fatah, after the elections, continued to control the institutions and presidency but lost its parliamentary strength. Moreover, the political developments, in the wake of these elections, showed that the world had an ''appointment'' with change in the structure of the Palestinian authority. This change was met with international rejection of the results of ballots after Hamas had achieved a big victory. This clearly showed that the world was waiting for a type of democracy that would suit it. However, the results ''blew'' against the world's wishes. In spite of this negative reaction of the international community, the elections turned things upside down. They produced a new Palestinian democratic path after the people participated strongly in these elections which in turn made them capable of effecting the required change. The democratic transformation and the results of the second Palestinian legislative elections were the basic pillar on which this was based. The hypothesis of this study was that the elections and their results had played an outstanding role in effecting Palestinian democracy. After testing this hypothesis, it was found that the elections and their results have created a new reality after the participation of several major factions and forces. They all competed over the legislative council seats, thus reflecting a big democratic change in the Palestinian political system. The results of these elections have put an end to the hegemony of one faction in the Palestinian arena. These also reinforced the state of partnership between the different factions and force. The elections, it should be maintained, were held on the principle of competition between the parties and forces to change the political reality. This study ended with investigation into the required role, expected from the political forces in Palestinian arena, to create an equation or strike a balance between the political desires of the parties and forces and the desires of individuals who expressed their commitment to the democratic option.
PLO Political Experience From The Armed Resistance to the Peaceful Settlement (1964-2006)
(2008) Hamzeh Abdul Hameed Mahmoud Al-Smadi; Dr. Othman Othman
The thesis examines the nature of the political and intellectual changes in the PLO Coordinates since its inception in 1964 up to the year 2006. The intended amendments to the Palestinian national project, which defined features national charter in 1968. In response to the subjective and objective conditions, the result of the shift, first armed struggle and the People's Liberation War as a way of the full liberalization, to direct negotiations with Israel as a way for a political settlement. Secondly, the shift from the goal of establishing a democratic state on all Palestinian territories, to built National Authority on the part of Palestine, and then to accepting an independent state on the borders of the partition resolution No. 181. and then accepting a transitional self-rule in the West Bank and Gaza Strip, as a prelude to the establishment of an independent state within the borders of the occupied territories since 1967. And thirdly shift from the goal of the return of refugees to their homes and lands which abandoned them in 1948, to a settlement acceptable and agreed with Israel for their cause. And fourthly the PLO transition from refusal to recognize Israel state, to Palestinian official recognition of its existence in Palestine. Then the shift from refused to recognize the Security Council resolution 242, to an explicit recognition, by Yasser Arafat himself, as a PLO leader. All these transformations and other affected directly on the political and ideological program of the PLO, and its relationship profit regional and international levels. That is known as a cause of division in the Palestinian arena. Section of the Palestinian political forces viewed what was a concession and deviation from the fundamental principles governing the conflict with Israel. The other part consider those shifts as a political realistic program succeed in penetrating the logic of Zionist expansion, and exclusively the western support to Israel at the international scene. Apart from that success is a victory on the Arab disability, and on a limited ability of the Palestinian resistance to win the militarily battle with Israel. Regardless of the arguments of both groups, the best way to absorb this complex political reality and its repercussions, the return to the audit experience the Palestine Liberation Organization from its inception, the reading of the political and the Arab and Palestinian situation that accompanied its inception in 1964. The Researcher notice the role of Egypt led by the late President Gamal Abdel Nasser and the League of Arab States in crystallizing the idea of the Palestinian entity and the PLO establishment 1964, and the drafting of its charter to national statute. Arab role retreated somewhat after the defeat of Arab armies in the war in June 1967, and the increasing role of the resistance in return, especially after the defeat of the Israeli army in the battle of AL-Karameh in 1968, by the Fatah fighters and the Palestinian resistance factions and the Jordanian army. That opened the way for the accession of the Fatah Movement and factions of the Palestinian armed action to the Organization(PLO)in 1969,and thus led to the dominance of Fateh on the political resolution of the PLO, following the election of Yasser Arafat representative of the Fateh as PLO Executive Committee President in that year. At the same time, Fateh has changed the National Charter of the PLO, and amended some of its clauses and articles, Which became the National Charter. Since then, it can be said that there has been an overlap between the principles of Fateh, and the PLO objectives and policies. In the next chapter researcher moved on to talk about the determinants of the PLO political decision-making, and internal and external considerations to be taken into account in its decision, and the mechanisms used in its drafting, and the nature of political parties participating in it, and specialized institutions in the industry, and output. the researcher concluded that the Palestinian decision tends to rely on the tactic more than commitment to strategy, And Dominated by the personal nature of the charismatic Yasser Arafat than by the opinion of the collective leadership of the PLO. The researcher pointed out that the main output of this situation was the Composition of the (Front rejection) led by George Habash the PFLP former Secretary-General, and the absence of any real impact for many years by the national forces and the masses of the West Bank and Gaza Strip. That was why the writer on the third chapter tries to answer the question which is about the meaning of political legitimacy. Including the monitoring of the source of the legitimacy and its mechanisms, In the Palestinian arena, the Arab world, and internationally. It is a very important issue, because the hostile force has spared no effort in trying to create political alternatives to the PLO throughout many years. The researcher says here, that the leadership of the organization has succeeded in blending the revolutionary legitimacy and legality charisma, In addition to the use of historical legitimacy, to devote political legitimacy. Despite the provision of the organization's leadership political concessions mission to the United States of America in 1988, and to Israel in 1993, the price of recognizing the legitimacy of representation of the Palestinian people in return. In Chapter Four, Because of these concessions the Researcher analyzed the PLO position draft political settlement of international and regional raised since 1967, and even the start of the Madrid peace conference in 1991. He Address some detail on the Palestinian national project, founded, principles, and objectives. Researcher addressed how the transformation of this project to a phased program 1974, and then to the political agenda in 1979, and to the peace initiative in 1988, and to the 1993 Oslo Accords. He said: there are several circumstances and events have contributed to these transformations, and affected on the components of the project and the national cohesion. For example, the civil war in Jordan in 1970, and the war with Israel in 1973, and the civil war in Lebanon in 1975, and the Palestinian Israeli war in 1982 and the siege of Israel to the PLO forces in Beirut for 87 days, then the outbreak of the first Palestinian Intifada in 1987. In Chapter five Researcher was dealing with the stages of the political negotiations between the PLO and the government of Israel since 1991, and its consequences, and their negative impact on the entire Palestinian situation. And how the organization's leadership absorbed the political changes that preceded these negotiations, and the purpose of participating, although no readiness to settle by the Israeli leadership, as demonstrated by the official Israeli policy towards the Palestinians. In Chapter six the writer noticed the presence of five main reasons stood behind the political and intellectual changes in the PLO national draft since 1968 until 1993, as a Conclusion to his Thesis. the first one concern to the political weakness of the PLO, In addition to the structural imbalance in its internal affairs. Resulted in multiple factions and ideas and slogans which led to the organizational divisions, and the absence of the role of the institution and the individual dominance of the resolution, and attempts to create alternatives and the marginalization of the role of the West Bank and Gaza Strip national movement. Secondly, military weakness resulted from the weakness of the military unity of the resistance factions, and the absence of the Safe Base, and fighting the Israelis' from outside the borders of Palestine, and repeated defeats in the field of internal Jordanian and Lebanese fronts, in addition to the defeats in the confrontation with Israel. Thirdly, the internationalization of the Palestinian cause, and the strong connection between the future of the Great States interests like the U.S.A and Russia and the Western European countries with any solution to the Palestinian cause. Fourthly, the Arab regimes Wobblers attitude towards the Palestinian resistance, programmers and objectives, and also how to resolve the conflict with Israel. Finally, the emergence of political and intellectual currents within the PLO itself, calls for political realism, and political tactics, and to search for a peaceful settlement with Israel, and not neglecting the powers that govern the conflict with Israel. Ultimately, the Researcher said that the Palestinian leadership has resorted to political experimentation approach to achieving the PLO objectives, and adopted a policy of crisis management rather than treatment. that weaken their ability to accomplish national project. At last the Researcher made a number of recommendations, such as: 1- Rebuild PLO on democracy and constitutionality basics. 2- Review its political program after all the political developments in the Palestinian cause. 3- Fighting any manifestations of corruption, and strengthen its institutions and strengthening the national unity as away to enhance its legitimacy. 4- Dealing with the negotiations with Israel as a form of political struggle to achieve national goals.
The Role Of Civil Society Organizations In Promoting Political Participation in Palestine
(2008) Nasser Mahmoud Shaikh Ali; Dr. Nayef Abu Khalaf
This thesis discuss the history; development and mission of Palestinian Civil Society as well as their role in changing the Palestinian society’s trends and attitudes vis-a vis a modern civil society. A comparison between the Western Civil Society and those in Palestine is also illustrated on various levels. The thesis is divided into five chapters the first of which includes an introduction as well as a theoretical plan in which the researcher introduces his academic method of study, the objectives of the study and the relevant literature survey. The second chapter includes two key issues, the first of which discusses the theoretical definition of the civil society and the non-governmental organizations’ history and development, and the various kinds and degrees of political participation in modern democratic societies. The second key issue concentrates on the Palestinian civil society organizations, the different kinds of these organizations, their development, and their vision regarding the political participation process. The third chapter discusses the role of the Palestinian Civil Society Organizations in promoting the political participation process as well as the different types and degrees of this kind of participation. Factors influencing the civil society organizations’ efforts in promoting the political participation process and pertaining trends are discussed in the end of this chapter. The fourth chapter discusses the difficulties and obstacles that undermine the CSO’s efforts in playing an active role in promoting the political participation process. Weakness of Palestinian Civil Society, their hesitation in being pioneers for a change, and their relations with the various political parties are also discussed. This chapter also discusses the somehow tensed relationship between the Palestinian Civil Society with the Palestinian National Authority (PNA) because of the tough regulations imposed on them. Outstanding differences on financial matters between these NGO’s and the PNA on one hand, and donors on the other hand, and the continuous struggle between the organizations and the PNA over the use of funds are also highlighted. The fifth and last chapter includes a summary and conclusion that highlight key issues. The researcher also sustains the vital role that Palestinian NGO’s play in building a civil society in Palestine. The last part of the thesis includes some recommendations for promoting the role of Palestinian Civil Society in Palestine. Those recommendations could be of benefit to different parties including the NGO’s themselves, the PNA and the Palestinian society by and large.
The Role of Student Movement at an- Najah National University Fixing the Concept of Political Participation
(2008) Fathi Muhammad Khader Khader; Prof. Abdul- Sattar Kassem
This study tackles the Palestinian student movement at An- Najah National University concerning its potentials to participate in causing a specific move to establish a wide political contribution among the sectors of Palestinian community: where this mission starts from the milieu of students via widening their participation in the public concerns without confining them on the act of voting on the day of elections or attending a speech festival or a political symposium. Their role actually surpasses all that so as to include determining the policies approached by the university administration and student movement as well as stake holders in the whole aspects of university life & sharing in drawing youth's policies. The university students look like a slice that is involved among the various slices of society at large. They do come from various social & geographical environs. Consequently, causing any successes in the concepts of political contributions with them is being reflected directly on the university surroundings that the students had come from. This is what explains the impact of students on their community all over the earth so as to cause the targeted change. Hence, we should develop the abilities of students so as to comprehend the concerns of community as well as reacting with them. This is in addition to the academic topics for the sake that they might be equipped with the ability and preparedness to serve their environment which they came from as a prelude to sharing with the associate effort towards constructing their country and their larger community. The students will, before long, be affected by society and the) will affect with it as well. And this depends on the level of awareness & ripeness of leaders at student work. The students are looked upon as the learned, educated avant-grade for the sector of youths who from more than half of the Palestinian community. Consequently, the belief of students in the necessity of sharing in the Palestinian political life means sharing the largest sector in the sectors of society at the political process. The students alone and the leadership of the student movement as well do not bear the responsibility of retreat taken place in the entity & firebrand of student movement in Palestine. This retreat is referred to several causes already perpetrated by a group of sides in the Palestinian community. The students bear a part of responsibility, and the other part of it is borne by a group of associations. The university bears a share of responsibility due to the impediments set in front of the practicing of student movement to its activities & programs throughout its perception & priorities. The political developments witnessed in the Palestinian arena have affected in a tangible way on the various sectors of the society including the students themselves. It is believed as well that the student movement has witnessed a retreat in the aftermath of OSLO, whereas further others believe that the retreat has involved the national & secular student movement due to their cohesion with political forces adopting the method of negotiation in dealing with the Palestinian- Israeli conflict. This is in contradiction with the ethics accustomed by students in those Political forces. In correspondence to that, the dame epoch has witnessed extension & prosperity among the lines of Islamic student movement simply because it has adopted at that stage am emblem calling for refusing & resisting agreements with the occupation. The factions & political parties hear as well the highest amount of retreat for the student movement. This came in result of its policies in dealing with students as a spearhead in political harassment and their seeking to educate those students a blind-folded factional education opposing to accept the other side and coexisting with him, especially after OSLO. The student movement can’t invent innovated. Developed methods to face changes witnessed at the student arena. The circumstances accompanying the stage were not suitable to develop the student movement: especially, the matters of apparent intervention with its internal affairs from various sides; whether from the factions, or political forces, or Palestinian security systems or what the stage has represented from conflicts and polarization of student work leaders by the various apparatuses. The university administration as well has found in those circumstances opportunity to limit the extent of domination & interventions by student movement in public affairs at the university. And they strengthened themselves by the leaderships of authority and factions so as to press on the student movements serving their benefits. And they tended as well to attract a number of student movement leaderships to them in return for offering a few privileges to them. The study was in parallel that the universities used to be the lonely vent for the national work because of the Israeli perpetration preventing. The Performance of freedom to express opinion whether throughout raising an emblem or protestation. Any operation of protesting used to be faced with repression & pursuit. Whence the university formed the sole vent for expression about the national feelings. It has participated as well in creating leaderships for national & communal work. Thus, the concentration of the researcher was on studying the potentials for creating the required change in establishing a deepened, enlarged policy among the lines of Palestinian communities throughout the benefiting from the experiment of student movement in the democratic operation and the possibilities accredited by universities as a springboard towards realizing development in the domains of political contribution in its total form. rather than performing elections.
Palestinian Partisan Journalism Reliance on Rumors and the Impact on Political Development in the West Bank and Gaza Strip (Fatah and Hamas Movements as a Model)
(2009) Khalaf Jamal Yousef Khalaf; Dr. Raed Nairat
Traditionally, the Palestinian interest was focused on liberation and the establishment of the Palestinian state, or specifically, on the pattern of relationship with the Israeli occupation. However, thanks to a number of developments, most important among which is the creation of the Palestinian National Authority, the Palestinians began to form other interests that could be summarized in achieving development, a great part of it was in the political arena. However, a number of obstacles appeared thwarting all theoretical and practical efforts to achieve this development, among which was the absence of political stability. After reviewing a group of factors that negatively impacted the political stability, it became clear that one of the most important of these factors could be framed within what this researcher had called "the rumors in the partisan journalism," thus the researcher's interest in this topic, such that this study is an attempt to reveal the form, nature, and the direction of the relationship between rumors and political stability, and political development, which is a compound relationship in that more than one factor are tied to this relationship. Building on that idea, the research was based on a basic hypothesis, the gist of which says: that rumors in the Palestinian partisan journalism negatively impact political development in the West Bank and Gaza Strip. This is illustrated by a few points, most prominent of which is that rumors in the partisan journalism contributes to the eventual disintegration of the Palestinian society, as well as create confusion among the citizens. Rumors in partisan journalism creates a glum atmosphere, stirring tempers, making the internal situation more tense, and creating a culture of hostility that prevents the Palestinian national dialogue, given that every party uses it to weaken, and libel the other party. Testing the hypothesis required the researcher to divide the study into five chapters. The First Chapter discussed the importance of the study, its background, its hypothesis, and method, in addition to presenting a literary review of the study. The Second Chapter, the researcher presented a conceptual detailed description of the rumors, types, goals, methods of influence, journalistic relevance, the public opinion, and the political decision, to be immediately followed by the Third Chapter which presents an introduction of the Palestinian partisan journalism, and including a summary of its goals, history, and its relationship with rumors. The goal of the last two chapters is to lay the foundation for a theoretical rule, through which abstract concepts are converted into procedural reality. This is what became apparent in Chapter Four which included an analysis of a sample of the partisan journalism depending on a scientific model developed by the research to measure the credibility of the partisan journalism and its role in the internal Palestinian harmony, which came as result of discussing three issues in which partisan journalism played an influential role, they are: corruption within the Palestinian Authority's ministries and institutions, the national unity government, and the internal strife between Fatah and Hamas. The Fifth and last chapter of the study included analysis of the conclusions, most prominent among which is the Palestinian partisan journalism as represented by a sample of the study, did not pay much attention to the requirement of creating a dynamic atmosphere for a vital civil society capable of making progress. Rather, it helped fuel the Palestinian internal strife and reinforced the division among the political parties over the national common denominators when it relied mostly on misleading information and rumors. The conclusions show that the partisan journalism played a major role in simmering the emotions and promoting animosity within the society. It even went further than that when it legitimized infighting as a prelude to justifying it and making it more palatable. This thwarted the possibility of creating a harmonious political body with all the parts working in full cooperation and coordination, and forced the door wide open for dissention in the West Bank and Gaza. At the end of the study, the researcher recommended that Palestinian partisan journalism take a number of coordinated and orderly steps in order to improve its performance and enhance its situation, as well as gradually strengthen its position. Among such recommendations was seeking honesty, integrity, and thoroughness when covering events, as well as eschewing rumors that only serve to confuse the Palestinian society as well as disintegrate its stability and progress. Moreover, the researcher recommended avoiding negative terms and expressions, adopting the principle of accountability instead of mistrust and attacks. Finally, the researcher recommended that Palestinian factions sign a Letter of Media Principles or a Covenant of Media Honor that may lead to crating a system to regulate the workings of partisan journalism in the future, and specify its tasks. Moreover, the researcher recommended organizing training courses and seminars for those working in the partisan journalism.
The Role of the Palestinain Youth in Policy Making Inside the Youth Federations and its Impact on Development- Volunteers of Partner Federations to Bessan Center for Reseaech and Development as a Model (2000-2007)
(2009) Sana Ata Mohammad Yousef; Prof. Abdul Sattar Kassem
This study has tried to evaluate the role of the youth in youth federations and its impact on development. The study sample was conducted on youth volunteers from Bisan Center for Research and Development" ALjiwar Project" in partnership with Oxfam Quebec and funded by Canadian Agency for Development "CIDA". The project was implemented in: the Old city of Nablus, Ein Bait Elma refugee camp, Alfara'a refugee camps, Jenin refugee camp, Bait Emreen village, Borqa village and Aseera Elshamalyeh", The local partners in the targeted areas are: Borka youth club, Asyra youth club, Shabab BeitEmreen Center. To answer the study questions, which were designed to show the degree of the youth knowledge of their needs, state of affairs, and how they amalgamate in the federations they presented, the nature of their relations to the administrative staff in the youth federations, the effect of the training they received, through the project, on their capacity building to become capable of drawing working policies inside youth federations and the extent to which this was reflected on youth development during the period 2000-2007. Answering these questions comes through analyzing some of the vocabularies, foundations and basic skills, by introducing Bisan Center for Research and Development, the concept of youth partnerships, volunteers selection inside the federations, youth federations, capacity building, empowerment and finally, the effect of this on the role of the youth on policy making and the its impact on development. The study has started with historical and social introduction by reviewing the history of establishing the Palestinian youth federations. The external funds for youth federations and its effect on creating real development in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip was reviewed afterwards. The work concluded that external funds will not create development. It will impose alternative solutions that match the donors’ vision of ending the Palestinian resistance. Besides, creating a new consuming non-productive generation who will work on projects imposed by donating countries to serve their agenda in the region. The main body of the research depended on fieldwork. It tried to underline and evaluate the role of the Palestinian youth in policy making inside youth federations. It focused on evaluating federations current situation, the nature of their work as a host to the youth and to give them the opportunity to be heard and to play their role in society. It is known that youth federations host young people in their programs, even if they work in other areas. In the opinion of federations' administrative bodies, there is an overall weakness in youth participation in policy making inside development federations. According to them; the youth benefit from the federation through training, but they leave the local community as they have no trust to the federations of the local society. Depending on results analysis, the administrators see that the role of the youth within federations is limited to implementation and training. When talking about the state of affairs of youth federations, its seen that they were able to develop their performance through training and the use of reports and administrative and financial models that have been introduced to them through the neighborhood corner project. In addition the administrators are knowledgeable of their role and responsibilities. Most federations find it difficult to finance it projects. They think that external fund imposes restrictions on the their performance regarding both its work and the involvement of youth. On the contrary, the youth had another view. They found that the potential of youth federations within the current situation (poor funding, shortage of local resources and reliance on external funds) create a real barrier in front of the youth achieve their needs. They also believed that the neighborhood corner project has doubled their skills. They described programs provided by federations as lacking to projects that draw the attention of the youth. They saw the projects as spontaneous. And as they implement the vision of the donor, they are far away from the Palestinian reality.
The Impact of Hezbollah on the Development of the Thinking and the Methods of Resistance in Arabia
(2009) Refqa Nabeel Motlaq Shaqoor; Prof. Abdul- Sattar Qasem
This thesis discusses the effect of Hezbollah in the development of resistant thoughts and methods in the Arab region. the following hypothesis posits that: Experience formed the Lebanese resistance represented by the Lebanese Hezbollah through the performance levels of the military, political, and medium activities, and a qualitative shift in the thinking of resistance development in the Arab region and their performance. The Researcher adopted a descriptive and analytical approach to the information obtained on the subject of research. The Researcher reviewed in the heart of this thesis several issues including the concept of an Islamic resistance according to the Holy Qur'an and Sunnah of the Prophet Mohammed (PBUH), as well as studying this understanding according to Shiite ideology, and how the effect of intellectual inheritance promotes the concept of the Shiite party Hezbollah. The Researcher stood in the second part on the circumstances surrounding the party's roots, upbringing, and the ambiguities surrounding its existence. the method of dealing with the Lebanese internal situation and how it emerged on the ground was also observed and analyzed. The primary focus was on the causes and implications during the july 2006 war for the party in the internal, regional, international spheres. The third part reviewed the party's ideology, goals, the origins of its platform, the nature of its vision of the Arab-Israeli conflict, and the method of drafting its alliances and motives for these alliances. In addition, the researcher observed the handling of the relationship between Hezbollah and the Palestinian case, and its relationship with Iran "the incubator" since the party has been established. The Researcher dealt with in Section IV the parties patterns of preparation and techniques done to face the occupation. The techniques involved both direct in direct methods, indirect methods have been raising the combatants, informing the party and its channels using electronic warfare between the parties, security and intelligence warfare, political actions, capital investment to support development and resistance, and recruiting the cultural programs, and the ethical intervals. The Researcher studied the details related to the use of the methods and the effect on the domestic and regional levels. The techniques and tools of direct military use included ambush and raid operations, martyrdom operations, explosive devices and attacks, control sites, supporting firearms, and capturing Israeli soldiers operations. In Section V, the researcher reviewed effects of Hezbollah at the Arab masses in general and the Palestinian public in particular, the manifestations of this influence, how the achievements of the party reflected the vision of the public on the nature of the solution to the Arab- Israeli conflict, and how their perspective has changed about the strength of Israel, which is not viewed invincible. As well as the position of the Arab governments, and the nature of their concerns about the growing strength of the party and the growing impact, suspicions were raised about how the Party has embarrassed the Arab governments in sequential order. Section VI; observes the effect of Hezbollah's thinking and techniques of Arab resistance movements, and how the Arab resistance movements have worked by copying the techniques of Hezbollah in the confrontation. In the last section, the Researcher has found that Hezbollah latest set of changes on the level of resistance thoughts and techniques in the Arab world and the public's perception of the Arab resistance strategic options are perceived following are the most important recommendations that could contribute to the solution of the problem of the study.
The Events of June 2007 in the Gaza Strip and Their Strategic and Tactical Effects on the Palestinian National Program
(2009) Kifah Harab Muhammad Odeh; Dr. Nayef Abu Khalaf
This study of the June 2007 events in the Gaza Strip and their impact on the Palestinian national scheme was an attempt to analyze and understand the political determinates and developments which has surrounded the Palestinian National Program since its approval in the Declaration of Independence in 1988. This study also dwelt on the state of the violent political change which the Islamic Resistance Movement (Hamas) carried out in the Gaza Strip in terms of the repercussions of the state of division between the West Bank and the Gaza Strip on the structure of the Palestinian Authority(PA)'s political system and the future of the Palestinian cause. To these ends, the researcher depended on a comparison based on description and analysis of internal and external political developments which contributed to the formation of the present Palestinian policy under the umbrella of the presence of the PA in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip, given the fact that it is a political defector. The researcher moved on to analyze the consequences of the political change in the wake of Hamas's engagement / participation in the Palestinian political system through the use of internal fighting. In tacking this subject, the research significantly depended on review of related literatures, historical evidence, developments on the ground as well as analysis of the consequences of the state of new political change on enabling the Palestinian people to confront the Israeli occupation and realization of the Palestinian national scheme. Coupled with political analysis, the researcher provided a survey of the creation of the Palestinian entity, development of the concept of Palestinian nationalism in the course of the Palestinian national struggle, the hows of protecting its existence through fostering the Palestinian people's right to self-determination and establishment of an independent state. In this study, the researcher endeavored to answer one major question: what has been the impact of Hamas's control of the of the Gaza Strip on the geographical and political unity of the West Bank and the Gaza Strip? In addition, the researcher raised other questions pertinent to the effect of that step on the unity of the Palestinian goal: establishment of an independent Palestinian state as well as the consequences of the division on the Palestinian cause, political structure of the PA, the process of the democratic transformation or change and the social effects pertinent to the relationship between and among the Palestinian organizations. The research, in this study, provided a deep analysis to answer the questions raised in the four chapters. Chapter one provided a theoretical framework and a number of relevant concepts, pertinent to the subject of the study, such as political change, notion of the state and the term of autonomy. Chapter two dwelt on the evolution of the Palestinian political entity and its link to the concept of Palestinian nationalism and the development of the Palestinian national scheme, the curves it has taken and the challenges it has faced. Chapter three was devoted to the positions of the Palestinian organizations toward the Palestinians national scheme. It specifically highlighted the positions of the Palestine Liberation Organization's factions as well as those of the Islamic movements which are until now outside the umbrella of the PLO. Chapter four dealt with the political development of the PA's political system since its establishment through the changes in its political structure in the context of Hamas's participation in the political system of this authority. The chapter highlighted the reasons and the motives behind the events of July 2007, consequences of the state of division on the Palestinian cause, the establishment of an independent Palestinian state, the transformation of the PA and the process of democratic transformation. In the light of the findings of the study, the researcher arrived at a number of conclusions and recommendations. * The PA's political structure, after Hamas's sweeping victory in the Palestinian Legislative Council elections has elapsed into double into standard politics, reinforcing legal compromising formulas which unify the political determinants and legal powers of the limited autonomy of the PA. The geopolitical division, resulting from the political coup and upheaval in the Gaza Strip, has significantly weakened the PA's legal and institutional building legitimacy. The PA has found itself in front of two difficult models of executive authority coupled with a total paralysis of the legislative authority. Therefore, the return to the national dialogue is a necessity and a top priority to end the state of division. Equally important, an appropriate mechanism has to be created in order to hold presidential and legislative elections to bring unity to the PA's political system through the establishment of one authority in both the West Bank and the Gaza Strip. Hamas's control of the Gaza Strip, in the wake of June 2007 events, has threatened the notion of the Palestinian national scheme. These events have revealed the presence of a competitive political vision which has managed to impose itself as a defector authority, thus causing confusion of the principle of the Palestinian national unity as well as fragmentation and dispersal of the Palestinian national identity. To check on the risks of division on the Palestinian national scheme, there is a pressing necessity for national reconciliation and consensus based on common ground: creation of appropriate mechanisms that guarantee partnership and pluralism as a foundation for the realization of a strong Palestinian national unity. * The political division has crossed with the existing Israeli vision of separating the West Bank from the Gaza Strip. Israeli has managed to exploit this division for its own interests through its investment as a launching pad for sidestepping the Palestinian representation. Therefore, the Palestinian parties have to speed up the restoration of cohesion and unity to the Palestinian national camp according to the NCD as a major political covenant. This perhaps will form as a political outlet for all the Palestinian parties to build on and to end the state of division and reinforce the independent Palestinian representation.
The Role of the EU in the Political Development Towards Palestinian Occupied Territories (1991-2007)
(2009) Issam H.M. banifadel; Dr. Othman Othman
This study aims to explain the European union developing policies and its influence on the economical, political, social and security position in West Bank and Gaza strip. It also aims to explore if these policies has contributed in building Palestinian economy that helps in setting up an independent Palestinian state or it was just security policies disguised in an economical mask to protect Israel and it security. Moreover, it aim to reveal the European political efforts to promote middle east peace process since its break through in Madrid conference in 1991 until Annapolis conference for peace which was held by the end 2007. It also discusses the effects of Israeli policies on Palestinian development efforts since the sign up on Oslo contract which intern leads to the establishment of Palestinian authority. beside this, it aims to clarify the role of the European union in reducing the side effects of the Israeli sever policies through the financial aid which the European union gave Palestinian people to build a national economy. However, the writer shed lights on the limitations of the EU external policy Towards the middle east and the Palestinian issue, such as the economical, political and security factors. The study also includes a report on the prominent role of EU towards the Palestinian issue during the period before the sign up of Oslo agreement and the European aids to Palestinian at that time. The researcher also discussed the role of EU to promote the peace process in Middle-East after Oslo and the EU relations with Palestinian authority. The EU has played an effective political role to push up the political peace process in 1990s.not only does the report show the EU position of the second Palestinian Intifada and it role in international initiative that appeared as a result the breakthrough of the Intifada, to settle the Palestinian -Israeli conflict but it also reveals the role of EU position of Hamas and it victory in the legislative elections in 2006 and forming the tenth government which in turn leads to a severe siege on Palestinian people. Moreover, the researcher gave us a clear idea about the effects of EU developing policies until Annapolis conference to build together a national independent economy for Palestinians. He also mentions the EU role in the Palestinian political reformation. he also talks about the Israeli repeated violence's through building settlements, collective punishment, and Hebraizing Jerusalem. By the end of this research, he concludes that EU aimed to protect Israel through his financial aids. EU connected those aids with commitment of the Palestinian authority to fight terrorism and terrorist organizations. He also says that EU looked for apolitical role in the peace process in cooperation with Americans and under their umbrella. the EU agrees to start with a simple role even if it just to give aids. But EU has failed to turn the paper of financial aids into an effective role to play an effective political role as a result of the American- Israeli orders. So the EU role stays as a secondary role. Moreover, the study inform us that all the financial aids have failed to in occurring a real economical development in Palestine. Since they were given politically to refresh the political process, but not to build a strong independent economy in Palestinian, and because the donating countries including EU offered these aids with a plan that suits its political goals, but they don’t meet the Palestinian people needs. Financial aids have failed also to compensate the lose in the Palestinian economy which appeared as a result of the Israeli severe measurements against Palestinian people during the second Intifada.
A Study in Islamic Authoritative Political Discourse in Palestine and its Effect on Hammas and Islamic Jihad Political Practice
(2009) Khaled Ali Muhammad Zawwawi; Dr. Othman Othman
This study addressed the preferentiality of the Islamic political discourse in Palestine and its impact on the political practice of both Hamas and Islamic Jihad Movements. The study relied on analyzing text produced by both movements and extracting the concepts that form their political and intellectual discourse since intellect cannot be separated from policy. The study consists of seven chapters and the preliminary chapters which are considered an introduction to the main chapters. Those chapters discussed the theoretical frame in which the theoretical structure and study methodology are determined. In addition to the specific definition of the discourse through discussing a number of determinations of this concept by different scholars. In the second chapter the researcher discussed discourse in Islam and the ambiguity of this discourse according to Islamic thinkers. He also explained the characteristics of this concept according to those scholars. Moreover, the researcher discussed the Islamic political discourse and the conditions of its production according to Hasan Al Banna through reviewing the theories that addressed the emergence of this kind of discourse. In the third chapter, the researcher described and talked about the Islamic political discourse in Palestine since the beginnings of the 20th century until the eighth decade of this century. He also discussed the movements and individuals who had political role that was based on Islamic principles and explained the experience of the Muslim Brotherhood Movement (Al-Ikhwan Al-Muslimeen) being the only group that had a clear intellectual basis. The fourth, fifth and sixth chapters were dedicated to the Islamic Jihad in Palestine in which the researcher discussed the stages of its intellectual development. In the fourth chapter, the researcher explained the intellectual and methodological establishment stage between 1975-1991; this is the period during which Fathi Al Shuqaqi's speeches and discourse prevailed. This stage was characterized by having the legal preferentiality the basis for the theoretical foundation which is different from the Ikhwani concept. In the fifth chapter, the researcher discussed the changes that affected the political discourse of the Muslim Brotherhood Movement and its referential platforms. He also explained how this discourse was established on the basis of policy rather than ideology. The researcher further discussed the stage which Khalifa Al-Shuqaqi led and Ramadan Abdallah Shallah , the Second Secretary of the Islamic Jihad Movement, and explained his hesitation between political and legitimate referential ties and how did his position towards the legislative elections in 2006, the Detainees Document, Liberation Organization, and the intra-Palestinian dialogue. In the final chapter the researcher discussed the preferentiality of the political discourse of Hamas Movement (Islamic Resistance Movement) through analyzing the text that it produced internally or through the text or agreements that it signed such as the Covenant, the Detainees Document, and Mecca Agreement. He also examined the impact of these things on Hamas's positions towards dialogue, the truce, the Liberation Organization and the 2006 legislative elections. Through this chapter, the researcher was able to discover that Hamas has been loyal to its positions and stances that were included in the Covenant. The study also found that the most important change and transformation in the history of Hamas's political discourse was its signing on Mecca Agreement according to which Hamas respected the agreements that were signed between Israel and the Liberation Organization.
Palestinian Public Opinion And Its Impact On The Determination Of Political Orientations Of Decision-Makers And The Process Of Making The Palestinian Political Decision
(2009) Firas Abdullah Ahmad Islaih; Dr. Ra'ed Nu'airat
Public opinion is considered one of the essential and fundamental matters in the process of the political movement of any political system. Public opinion interact interchangeably with political decision makers, where it affects and is affected. However, this process of influence and vulnerability is not stable and similar in the different political systems, there are some countries and political systems that give public opinion a wide area of movement and freedom, and enables it to strongly and effectively influence the political system and its different components. There are political systems and countries that narrow this space of movement and the interaction of public opinion, as they deprive it from its right to influence the political participation, its impact on the ruling regime and to deliver its orientations and aspirations to the decision makers. Between this and that, the political systems are classified according to how they deal with public opinion. This study will examine the reciprocal relationship between public opinion and the political decision makers in Palestine, in order to reach a clear perception of the nature of that relationship, and its affect on the political decision makers, and to clarify the role of the Palestinian political decision-makers in determining the Palestinian public opinion trends, and the response of it. In order to access this, the researcher worked on the study and analysis of the Palestinian public opinion from different sides. Based on the foregoing, the basic assumption of the study assumed that the Palestinian public opinion is made by the Palestinian political leadership in decision-making positions, both of the parties and formal authority, which control their formation and determine their orientations. Another sub-assumption was branched From this basic assumption, namely, that the Palestinian public opinion in general can be considered a Leaded Public Opinion, as it can be steered easily, controlled in accordance with the directions of some elite groups existing in the Palestinian political reality. To indicate the validity of those assumptions, the researcher adopted the descriptive analytical approach in the study and analysis of the different components of the study. The researcher conducted a descriptive and analytical process of a group of prominent and essential events that occurred during the period covered by the research, and that has a close relationship and significant influence on the subject of the research. This study has addressed the Palestinian public opinion and its impact on the directions of the political decision-makers, within the time period from 1993 to 2006. The focus was made on this period (1993-2006) because many fundamental changes in Palestinian political life occurred during it, the most noticeable events are: the mutual recognition between the Palestine Liberation Organization and Israel, the Convention on the Declaration of Principles in Oslo, first and second presidential and legislative elections and the death of Palestinian President (leader) Yasser Arafat. The spatial boundaries of the study were limited to the study and analysis of the subject of study in the 1967 Palestinian occupied territories. The study was divided into five chapters, the first chapter dealt with the structure of research, including study of the problem of content, relevance, objectives, questions, assumptions and methodology, spatial and temporal boundaries, tools and as well as a review of previous studies, on the subject of study. Chapter II reveals the theoretical framework of the research. The researcher reviewed different definitions of public opinion. The researcher also addressed types , divisions , characteristics , mechanisms and main factors that affect the formation of public opinion. Chapter III of the study dealt with the Palestinian public opinion , its characteristics and its different components. The researcher clarified the major factors which affect the Palestinian public opinion. The major highlighted factors are the political culture, political parties and organizations and the Palestinian media. In chapter IV of the study, the researcher proceeded to discuss the impact of Palestinian public opinion on political decision makers. He clarified the traditional activities of the most prominent methods and techniques used by public opinion to influence the orientation of political decision-makers. The researcher worked on concluding and clarifying the strengths and weakness points of the Palestinian public opinion. Also, the researcher clarified the effectiveness of the public opinion in manipulating these methods and techniques. In the latter part of the study, the researcher addressed the issue of elites in general and the political elites in particular. The researcher studied and analyzed the Palestinian political decision-makers point of view towards public opinion and how they evaluate it. That was achieved through the analysis of a series of interviews conducted by the researcher with a number of Palestinian political decision makers, From the foregoing, the researcher concluded a set of conclusions and answers to the assumptions of the study. It was revealed that the Palestinian public opinion is predominantly a leaded general opinion, which is driven, leaded and affected by the centers of power and influence in the different Palestinian political system, and therefore the influence on the Palestinian public opinion on the political decision makers is weak, poor and limited. However, in despite of this, the researcher sees that the Palestinian public opinion has a number of strength points that entitles it to play a vital and active role in the political life. In order to achieve this, there must be concerted efforts and sincere hard working at all different levels to develop and activate the role of public opinion in political life. We must work hard on increasing the degree of awareness towards the Palestinian public opinion and what encounters it. We must increase its degree of participation in the institutions of civil work, and raising the level of confidence in the ability of it in changing. We must go ahead with the development process of the Palestinian curriculum. This will represent a real momentum towards the improvement and development of the community's awareness and political orientations towards more democracy and partnership.

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