Political Planning and Development

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The Association Between Agricultural Development and Free Political Will "Palestine as a Model"
(2012) Maher Tahseen Nayef Saleh; Prof. Abdul Sattar Kassem
The association between agricultural development and free political will is a controversial issue, achieving free political requires agricultural development that provides food security, and form the basis for comprehensive economics and social growth, in return cannot move towards agricultural development without the free political will, and the nation remains depends in food security on the others, with the threat for loss of independent decision. First, the study focus at the theoretical level, in order to build a base we can build on them to understanding the reality dialectic of the relationship between free political will and agricultural development, then the study discus the Palestinian reality as a model for the loss of free political will and its relation to the absence of agricultural development. The study is looking for the importance of agriculture to achieve food security as part of national security, and its role for building strength, and its economic role as a biggest economic operating segments, and the base for the industrial development. The study explain the importance of agriculture in Palestine, as The best way to keep the land in the face of the Zionist project, which defined its strategic objectives in making Palestine as an empty land of its inhabitants, the study is looking for problems of agriculture reality in Palestine, and introduce some basic rules to build a strategy for agricultural development in Palestine, that gives the Palestinian people an able to achieve the minimum food security, which would enable them to bear the pressure exerted on them by the occupation forces to dissuade them from their national rights. The study assumed that the Palestinian resolution to be independent, and the Palestinian national will could not be free without the development of the agricultural sector to ensure food security, and operation of the labor force in the productivity works, that install the Palestinian people over their land, by providing food, employment and emotional attachment to the land. The researcher adopted a descriptive approach to describe and review the basic concepts, a concept of self-reliance, and agricultural development of self-reliant, and sustainable agricultural development, and free political will, as well as describe the various classes. Then using the analytical approach to provide an analysis about the ways to achieving free political will by sustainable agricultural development and self-reliant, and analyze the possibilities in a Palestine, and things required for this development. The study concludes that building a sustainable agricultural development strategy in order to achieve the national free will has become as the compulsory way towards strengthening the steadfastness of the Palestinian people over their land, and promoting adherence to their national rights, or subjected to blackmail from the occupation and the donor countries, this is can be done by promoting the self-reliance culture, and mobilization of local resources that are available and possible, at the highest degree of efficiency and rational use and effective as the basis for building development. and consider an agricultural development as a national priority and allocate sufficient resources to achieve it.
Authority and State Study of the experience of Salam Fayyad’s government
(2012) Mais Name Dsoqe Qaise; Dr. Ra'ed N'erat
Abstract This study investigates the problem of the "Establishing the State and Finishing the Occupation" Proposal submitted by the government of Dr. Salam Fayad as a course to establish a Palestinian state. The researcher started by testing her hypothesis stating that "The proposal and its policies collectively shall not pave the way to establish a Palestinian state, but they will promote the growth of the Palestinian Authority establishments by creating a new de facto." The researcher selected to investigate this topic as a result of several factors that collectively represented the significance of this study. The first element is the birth of a Palestinian government through a birth-labor and exceptional circumstances during which it underwent several political phases. The second element comprises the resulting policies that put the issue of establishing a Palestinian state as a top priority of the strategic objective. Such elements encouraged the researcher to study the details of establishing a Palestinian state and ending the occupation in order to reach the objective of the study in highlighting the effectiveness and capabilities of such policies to achieve their strategic objective through assessing them and measuring the range of distance that separates the objective (i.e. the state" and the policies (i.e. the mechanisms). In her study, the researcher investigated the government's background and its philosophy; the environmental circumstances and surrounding factors; the nature of the Palestinian political system establishments; and identifying the identity of the problem and its policy. The problem is identified as general and historical whereas the policies brought by the proposal are symbolic, materialistic and organizational. The researcher determined the appropriate instrument to evaluate the policies of the thirteenth government. The DAY instrument consists of three categories of questions: the first contains descriptive questions; the second comprises the reasons; and the third contains the impacts of the general policies. Some links and criteria were added to expand the range of analysis with the six links that discuss the reciprocal effect of the general policy. Scientific criteria were added to evaluate and judge the extent of usefulness of the general policy according to the strategic objective. With this scientific combination, we obtained an instrument to evaluate the policies including its three basic constituents: the descriptive, analytical and evaluative. The researcher examined the policies and programs adopted by the government in order to achieve its announced objective related to establish the state and end the occupation. This is done by the descriptive basis. Following this, the researcher investigated the other two constituents: the analytical and evaluative through interpreting the general policy according to the reciprocal relationship of influence between the environmental forces and elements and the general policy. The first main question of the study, i.e. (To what extent is the thirteenth government general policy effective towards achieving its objective in establishing the Palestinian state and ending the occupation?) was answered through what the researcher reached by the process of analysis and evaluation of the proposal that showed the following:  The general policy and the mechanisms adopted within the plan of establishing the state and ending the occupation do not achieve the strategic objective. Hence, the occupation has not been ended and neither has the state been established. However, it has been able to maintain the establishments of the Palestinian National Authority that were constructed during the time of the Oslo Agreement. On the other hand, few establishments have been built to keep up the requirements of the stage. In addition, it is not possible to establish the Palestinian State without embodying the demographic and geographic elements.  The general policies were concerned with the local and international dimensions. The issue of managing the internal dimension suffered from political fragmentation without being able to achieve a consensus on the topic. In the international dimension, the outcome of voting for the complete membership of Palestine at the United Nations Organization showed that the compass of the international movement to promote the proposal was set inaccurately.  Such policies had negative impacts upon the Palestinian community. The Palestinian political life and public freedoms were affected in several locations in one way or another. The researcher gave several recommendations, the most prominent of them are:  The Palestinian leadership shall promote the Palestinian internal cohesion through reuniting the two parts of the homeland.  The Proposal's instruments and mechanisms are to be developed so that it contains real and radical solutions for the demographic and geographic dimensions to establish the Palestinian State. In addition, it shall not ignore the fact of supplying a real effective political life.  It is necessary to reform the PLO in order to become able to hold its responsibilities since the Palestinian National Authority does not possess the instruments or the capabilities to bear the proposal of establishing the Palestinian State.  It is important to review the Palestinian diplomacy and the negotiation mechanisms with Israel and the agreements signed with it that reinforce the occupation.
Cultural Globalization and the Arab Political Culture: Democratic Reform Programs and Participatory Arab Political Culture
(2005) Omar Mustafa Mohammad Samha; د. باسم الزبيدي
The current study aimed at examining the consequences of the western political reform programs, imposed through cultural globalization and the global face man on Arab political culture in its participant dimension, especially in the new world order which witnessed numerous changes, from the beginning of the last decade, lead to control over the world by the united states. With the tremendous advances and revolution in communication technologies, many nations felt the threat of the imposition of American culture on the entire world and control over the consumer needs, wishes, desire and way of life. This fear has led to the concept of Americanization as an equivalent substitute to globalization. Communication between nations during the age of globalization is considered as the main powerful source of nations for the creation of there own figures and values and if one consider the changes among the main concerned institutes for the creation of such values – family and school – one can easily and deeply envisage the threat that facing the Arab culture. The infiltration of the international organizations and global companies by the Americans doubles these threats and increases the chances for the involvement and interference of countries internal affairs a situation might lead to a state of liquidity of the concept of sovereignty. Such a situation added more threat to the countries of the south in general and to the Arab World in particular as the aristocratic regimes of such countries failed to integrate its people within other social and political structures, a situation imposing a further threat for the return for older governmental regimes controlled by family, tribal and religious roles which in turn makes the possibility of political participation in decision and policy making out of question. The use of the western culture was one of the first to be used through the European colonization at earlier stages of our history through various missionary groups that imposed the culture of the invaders aiming at the maintenance of the status of the ruling groups even after the withdrawal of the colonizers. The main aim of colonization was the control over natural recourses of these countries in order to support the European industry. The history seems to repeat itself as culture seems to play an important role of the American strategy with the aim to take control over oil recourses and to create new markets for its products through global companies. All this takes place under the name of democracy and social reforms. It is clear that the alleged reforms has nothing to do with the well being of the nations of the area and includes a huge amount of heat ridge and racism through cultural tools with the alleged aim of reforms in favor of humanities and those behind these reforms aim at the divergence of the world towards the American vision of the world. This of course will lead to the destruction of the culture of the nations and prolong colonization. The American plans started after the events that took place in the cities of Washington and New York in September 11, 2001 under the name of fight against international terrorism were the USA announced an international state of emergency. This country that pretends to be the most democratic country over the world practiced many violations with respect to human rights and involvement of many Arab regimes in the fight against terrorism is a further involvement of such regimes in the violation of human rights and more oppression. Looking through the practices of the Libyan controlling regimes, which surrendered to the USA, one can clearly see how the USA no longer speaks of violations of the human rights in this country. Another clear example is the Iraqi situation as the USA promised a state of democracy in a country with the now believes that an aristocratic regimes is more merciful than the occupation, which came by the name of liberation. To impose its strategies, the USA announced the Great Middle East project, which will further divide the divided with the aim of creation rolling regimes that serve its ambitions for the control over oil recourses a situation that will never allow the creation of an opposing body on the international front. This will for sure destroy the civilization and the culture of the area and the involvement of other countries with Islam as a major cultural common factor (with the exception of Israel) and oil is being the economic common factor. These are the main two factors in the American strategy in the area, Islam is behind the terrorist attacks, and this issue is handled through political and cultural reforms. International terrorism gave the USA the rights to interfere with the internal affairs of area presenting Israel as a part of the solution and not as the problem of the area. The unlimited supporting role of the USA to Israel as well as to certain fascist’s regimes in the area created a deep hearted to this policy among the people of the area. The proposed Great Middle East project was designed to reverse the priorities of the Arab world through the American adoption of the Israeli concepts of terrorism.
The Effect of Cultural Globalization on the Citizens of the West Bank
(2012) Diana Ayman Haj Hamad; Prof. Abdel-Satar Khasem
Abstract Cultural Globalization is considered one of the important dimensions of globalization as it comprises two models .The first model is objective and unavailable as people have to deal and many others . The second model is "Americanization" which markets the American culture in different ways among of which is the means of the objective methodology.This model , the second one , aims at replacing world different cultures with the American culture and thought through three aixes : Democracy , Human rights and woman status . The UAS seeks to create one cultural pattern to dominate the whole world and to build one world society that has the same customs , behavior and taste. Consequently , this will lead to the disappearance of national and local privacy of other communities , specially the developing countries among of which is Palestine where the policy of stick and carrot is noticeably used by America. Based on the aforementioned , this study is significant as it seeks to show the effect of cultural globalization on the different life aspects of the West Bank citizens specially the social and cultural textures. To highlight the effect on the people of the West Bank the descriptive methodology was emphasized to illustrate concepts such as globalization and cultural globalization as well as their philosophy and aims. Besides , the analytical methodology was used to show the instruments of cultural globalization and its effects on the people of West Bank , thus analyzing them in accordance with the topic of the study. It is worth mentioning that it is not easy to measure the effect of cultural globalization statistically .However , his study highlights the areas where the effects and instruments of cultural globalization in the West Bank are noticed. The findings of this study showed that the Palestinian citizen in the West bank has been affected by the American culture and thought. This can be observed in different spheres such as the spread of alienation and westernization among individuals , the spread of western customs and traditions like holidays and participation in in reality TV shows on Arab Space Channels, the spread of consumption and se x culture among the youth and finally replacing the national Palestinian concepts with Zionist and American ones. This led many Palestinian youths holding university degrees to travel abroad looking for a better living status. As a result of this, the chapter of this thesis verify the reliability of the hypothesis in this study which is cultural globalization invades the West Bank and leads to many effects in the social and cultural texture of the Palestinian Society. The researcher recommends that the Palestinian intellect should be developed as it is the only guarantee to face the effects of cultural globalization whether they are cultural or political . This doesn't mean cultural isolation but preserving national privacy while opening to world cultures.
The Effect of Escalation of Political Official Violence on the Level Islamic Political Participation in the Arab World After Sep.11.2001
(2003) Nasser Fahed Ali Khbbass; Prof. Abd Asattar Qassem
This study tackles the Arab official political violence and its effect upon Islamic Political participation after Sep. 11th 200l. At the beginning, concepts and idioms related to the target study is tackled e.g. the concept of political violence, terrorism and political participation. The study shows that there has been great misconception and deliberate misunderstanding among these concepts by interior and Arab parts in addition to other exterior ones benefiting from this misconception and deepen it to serve their aims in the Arab territory. Such conceptions, terrorism for example, include many different meanings which are jumped over to describe some countries failing to notice that these characteristics are found more in such accusing countries rather than the accused ones. The Arabic territory with its countries is considered the unique model concerning the form and the content of relation between the official or non-official political violence and the political participation of the social sectors in these countries. The official political violence took the form of tyrany, which was clear in tyrant political decisions and encircling, penetrating civil social activities in Arab countries in addition to security pursuit to everyone, organization. .. etc. thinking of change of development to keep the Arab region as stable pool attracting those ambitious people under the motto of change and democracy. The relation between Islamic and the Arab official systems vibrated during the last three decades in the twentieth century. Political violence got more ethel more after Sep. 11lh2001through financial and security pursuit and security coordination with the Americans... etc in the American campain on "terrorism". This campain resulted 1Il the Islamic and their supporters through their rushing in political participation 1I1 any elections in every Arab country and practising armed violence against exterior fores. This fact shows that lslamics felt that they were the target of the American war on "terrorism" and emphasizes the absence of Arab social voice and the extreme need for it. So I believe that there is an urgent need to have areal political development comprising all the political to give the chance for energies and inventions to overcome tyrany and aggression falling upon Arab societies by political systems.
The Elections and the Municipal and Village Councils in the Era of the Palestinian Authority 1994 - 2000
(2003) Ali Mohammed Shati Nabhan; Prof. Abul-Sattar Qasim
This research paper conducted a historical and legal review for the municipal and village councils in Palestine. IN addition, it defined the terms of the municipal and village councils, and distinguished between both patterns of local administration and local government as well as the basic requirements which enable such councils to conduct this role and the related duties. Also, this study gave prominence to the reasons which prompted the Palestinian Authority to adopt an appointment policy instead of elections. The Palestinian Authority hinged its reasons of not holding elections for the municipal and village councils on the Israeli occupation, non-completion of withdrawals, and the stalemate in the political process. The real reasons behind such a behavior were set out in a memorandum put forward by the former head of the preventive security forces in Gaza. The authority feared of the possible sweeping victory of the Islamic Resistance Movement (Hamas) in the elections of these councils. Such victory would provide legitimacy for Hamas to replace the official Palestinian Authority in the representation of the Palestinian people. What came in this memorandum was substantiated by interviewing many people representing many Palestinian political spectrum; the persons interviewed are listed within this study with their whole names. The policy of appointment resulted in the failure of many municipal and village councils which were unable to carry out their duties. Many of them came to a point of financial bankruptcy; a thing which made the elections a matter of urgent necessity in view of the benefits to be gained by the Palestinian people. Above all these benefits is giving the Palestinian people the opportunity to take part in the political life.
The Events of June 2007 in the Gaza Strip and Their Strategic and Tactical Effects on the Palestinian National Program
(2009) Kifah Harab Muhammad Odeh; Dr. Nayef Abu Khalaf
This study of the June 2007 events in the Gaza Strip and their impact on the Palestinian national scheme was an attempt to analyze and understand the political determinates and developments which has surrounded the Palestinian National Program since its approval in the Declaration of Independence in 1988. This study also dwelt on the state of the violent political change which the Islamic Resistance Movement (Hamas) carried out in the Gaza Strip in terms of the repercussions of the state of division between the West Bank and the Gaza Strip on the structure of the Palestinian Authority(PA)'s political system and the future of the Palestinian cause. To these ends, the researcher depended on a comparison based on description and analysis of internal and external political developments which contributed to the formation of the present Palestinian policy under the umbrella of the presence of the PA in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip, given the fact that it is a political defector. The researcher moved on to analyze the consequences of the political change in the wake of Hamas's engagement / participation in the Palestinian political system through the use of internal fighting. In tacking this subject, the research significantly depended on review of related literatures, historical evidence, developments on the ground as well as analysis of the consequences of the state of new political change on enabling the Palestinian people to confront the Israeli occupation and realization of the Palestinian national scheme. Coupled with political analysis, the researcher provided a survey of the creation of the Palestinian entity, development of the concept of Palestinian nationalism in the course of the Palestinian national struggle, the hows of protecting its existence through fostering the Palestinian people's right to self-determination and establishment of an independent state. In this study, the researcher endeavored to answer one major question: what has been the impact of Hamas's control of the of the Gaza Strip on the geographical and political unity of the West Bank and the Gaza Strip? In addition, the researcher raised other questions pertinent to the effect of that step on the unity of the Palestinian goal: establishment of an independent Palestinian state as well as the consequences of the division on the Palestinian cause, political structure of the PA, the process of the democratic transformation or change and the social effects pertinent to the relationship between and among the Palestinian organizations. The research, in this study, provided a deep analysis to answer the questions raised in the four chapters. Chapter one provided a theoretical framework and a number of relevant concepts, pertinent to the subject of the study, such as political change, notion of the state and the term of autonomy. Chapter two dwelt on the evolution of the Palestinian political entity and its link to the concept of Palestinian nationalism and the development of the Palestinian national scheme, the curves it has taken and the challenges it has faced. Chapter three was devoted to the positions of the Palestinian organizations toward the Palestinians national scheme. It specifically highlighted the positions of the Palestine Liberation Organization's factions as well as those of the Islamic movements which are until now outside the umbrella of the PLO. Chapter four dealt with the political development of the PA's political system since its establishment through the changes in its political structure in the context of Hamas's participation in the political system of this authority. The chapter highlighted the reasons and the motives behind the events of July 2007, consequences of the state of division on the Palestinian cause, the establishment of an independent Palestinian state, the transformation of the PA and the process of democratic transformation. In the light of the findings of the study, the researcher arrived at a number of conclusions and recommendations. * The PA's political structure, after Hamas's sweeping victory in the Palestinian Legislative Council elections has elapsed into double into standard politics, reinforcing legal compromising formulas which unify the political determinants and legal powers of the limited autonomy of the PA. The geopolitical division, resulting from the political coup and upheaval in the Gaza Strip, has significantly weakened the PA's legal and institutional building legitimacy. The PA has found itself in front of two difficult models of executive authority coupled with a total paralysis of the legislative authority. Therefore, the return to the national dialogue is a necessity and a top priority to end the state of division. Equally important, an appropriate mechanism has to be created in order to hold presidential and legislative elections to bring unity to the PA's political system through the establishment of one authority in both the West Bank and the Gaza Strip. Hamas's control of the Gaza Strip, in the wake of June 2007 events, has threatened the notion of the Palestinian national scheme. These events have revealed the presence of a competitive political vision which has managed to impose itself as a defector authority, thus causing confusion of the principle of the Palestinian national unity as well as fragmentation and dispersal of the Palestinian national identity. To check on the risks of division on the Palestinian national scheme, there is a pressing necessity for national reconciliation and consensus based on common ground: creation of appropriate mechanisms that guarantee partnership and pluralism as a foundation for the realization of a strong Palestinian national unity. * The political division has crossed with the existing Israeli vision of separating the West Bank from the Gaza Strip. Israeli has managed to exploit this division for its own interests through its investment as a launching pad for sidestepping the Palestinian representation. Therefore, the Palestinian parties have to speed up the restoration of cohesion and unity to the Palestinian national camp according to the NCD as a major political covenant. This perhaps will form as a political outlet for all the Palestinian parties to build on and to end the state of division and reinforce the independent Palestinian representation.
The Experience of Palestinian Women in the Parliamentary Work, and its Effect on the Promotion of Political Participation (1996, 2006
(2012) Omar Abed Allateef Shtaya; Dr. Ra'ed N'erat
Abstract This study comes to treat and evaluate the role that women played in the Palestinian political field, specifically in the Legislative Council, and the extension of their contribution in making decisions and legislations through the Legislative Council. The study was proposed to assess truth in the hypothesis which claims and assumes that women in the PLC have worked in isolation and have blended themselves within their parties which negatively impacted the reinforcement of female political participation. Therefore, women in the PLC could not launch any united feminist political efforts that would help to form feminist partisan policies or take decisions related to feminist activism in its specific sense. In a novel approach, this study deals with the role women played in both of the Palestinian electoral periods (1996 and 2006) in addition to exploring the factors affecting their decision making firstly in winning seats in the Legislative Council and secondly in participating politically and legislatively. The study follows a descriptive analytical approach. Interviews with the MPs were also used. The study draws a number of conclusions. Most importantly that the participation of women in official institutions has not arrived at the level of the important role that women played and still play in the Palestinian society, on both the national and political levels, which limits the possibility of their impact in policy making and modifying the current legislations. The study has also found that the political parties have supported women in a way that served their own partisan interests and did not help women or recognize their rights. The ambiguity of women’s platform and the lack of connection between it and public and social issues has negatively impacted the performance of the women MPs. Based on the results obtained, the study recommends that it is very urgent to review governmental policies and to restudy their suitability for women’s participation in decision making. It is also essential to increase opportunities for women to partake in official institutions, specifically the legislative ones and allow more room for their contributions in development, in policy making and in modification of laws in a way that serves their interests.
The Impact of Hezbollah on the Development of the Thinking and the Methods of Resistance in Arabia
(2009) Refqa Nabeel Motlaq Shaqoor; Prof. Abdul- Sattar Qasem
This thesis discusses the effect of Hezbollah in the development of resistant thoughts and methods in the Arab region. the following hypothesis posits that: Experience formed the Lebanese resistance represented by the Lebanese Hezbollah through the performance levels of the military, political, and medium activities, and a qualitative shift in the thinking of resistance development in the Arab region and their performance. The Researcher adopted a descriptive and analytical approach to the information obtained on the subject of research. The Researcher reviewed in the heart of this thesis several issues including the concept of an Islamic resistance according to the Holy Qur'an and Sunnah of the Prophet Mohammed (PBUH), as well as studying this understanding according to Shiite ideology, and how the effect of intellectual inheritance promotes the concept of the Shiite party Hezbollah. The Researcher stood in the second part on the circumstances surrounding the party's roots, upbringing, and the ambiguities surrounding its existence. the method of dealing with the Lebanese internal situation and how it emerged on the ground was also observed and analyzed. The primary focus was on the causes and implications during the july 2006 war for the party in the internal, regional, international spheres. The third part reviewed the party's ideology, goals, the origins of its platform, the nature of its vision of the Arab-Israeli conflict, and the method of drafting its alliances and motives for these alliances. In addition, the researcher observed the handling of the relationship between Hezbollah and the Palestinian case, and its relationship with Iran "the incubator" since the party has been established. The Researcher dealt with in Section IV the parties patterns of preparation and techniques done to face the occupation. The techniques involved both direct in direct methods, indirect methods have been raising the combatants, informing the party and its channels using electronic warfare between the parties, security and intelligence warfare, political actions, capital investment to support development and resistance, and recruiting the cultural programs, and the ethical intervals. The Researcher studied the details related to the use of the methods and the effect on the domestic and regional levels. The techniques and tools of direct military use included ambush and raid operations, martyrdom operations, explosive devices and attacks, control sites, supporting firearms, and capturing Israeli soldiers operations. In Section V, the researcher reviewed effects of Hezbollah at the Arab masses in general and the Palestinian public in particular, the manifestations of this influence, how the achievements of the party reflected the vision of the public on the nature of the solution to the Arab- Israeli conflict, and how their perspective has changed about the strength of Israel, which is not viewed invincible. As well as the position of the Arab governments, and the nature of their concerns about the growing strength of the party and the growing impact, suspicions were raised about how the Party has embarrassed the Arab governments in sequential order. Section VI; observes the effect of Hezbollah's thinking and techniques of Arab resistance movements, and how the Arab resistance movements have worked by copying the techniques of Hezbollah in the confrontation. In the last section, the Researcher has found that Hezbollah latest set of changes on the level of resistance thoughts and techniques in the Arab world and the public's perception of the Arab resistance strategic options are perceived following are the most important recommendations that could contribute to the solution of the problem of the study.
The Impact of Palestinian Ostentation Websites on the Political Affiliation and Attitude: Students of An-Najah National University as a Model (2000-2007)
(2008) Ameen Abdulaziz Dablan Abowardeh; Dr. Uthman Uthman
This study aims at discovering the effect the Palestinian news websites have on An Najah University students as a sample of the entire Palestinian student population of more than 80 thousand. The study also aims at determining the relationship between these websites and political affiliation of these students in an attempt to discover positive effects these sites have on the students from a patriotic and academic perspectives, or any negative effects, if any. This thesis also discusses the relationship between communications and the Internet, media and electronic journalism, as well as the relationship between students and websites and employing these sites to influence the students politically. The researcher begins with a historical introduction and development stages of said sites. He also talks about the uses, characteristics, as well as the effect these sites have on students in general, and An-Najah students in particular. The researcher delves into the technical and special attention given to these sites by political movements. The researcher also discussed the role these sites played during the Intifada and how they dealt with the periods of political strife and infighting. The researcher reached a few conclusions that these websites played a role in political polarization among the students and that such polarization contributed to intolerance and rigidity among political movements, and that financing was behind such rigidity. The thesis shows that the Palestinian public in general and the student segment in particular are influenced by these websites due to the huge amounts of information and analysis these sites offer which makes it easier for the audience to evaluate the issues and give them the tools to judge matters more logically despite lack of credibility of some sites. The thesis showed that such websites had contributed and intensified political division among the students and to the general deterioration of relationships among them. It also ruled out the existence of a relationship between websites and dependency on it a source of information, from the students perspective. The thesis outlines that staying tuned to these websites did not contribute to the political affiliation of the students, but rather they play a role in attracting students toward political events in general and issues at hand, but not political affiliation, from the perspective of the surveyed students at An-Najah University. The study also shows that the Palestinian news websites were tools to spread information and that they ranked second to satellite TV. Radio and printed newspapers ranked last.The observer of the Palestinian media outlets through the period 2006-2008 will notice that such outlets clearly became part of the internal political crisis and that they did not perform in a professional manner, but rather were involved in the political infighting. The researcher concluded by recommending that these sites maintain a minimum standard of professionalism in dealing with the news and that they should endorse a charter of honor so as to determine the nature of the relationship among them. He also recommended sunning differences and divisions as well as refusing conditional outside financing because of the clear effects such financing have on operation and policy of these sites, especially those that receive funds from Western certain government.He also recommended rejecting extremist accusations because of the detrimental effect they have on the social fabric, and recommended an agreement on terminology used in the Palestinian media and staying away from such terminology that may provoke tensions and internal strife.
The impact of recognizing Israel as a Jewish state on the establishment of a Palestinian state
(2015) Imad Ahmad Abdulkarim Salama; Prof. Abdul Sattar Qasim
This study aimed at analyzing the recognition of the state of Israel and its influence on the establishment of the state of Palestine. In addition, it highlighted its significance which was raised from being the first to study the recognition of the state of Israel. As a result, the main problem was that the recognition of the Israeli state contributed to escalating the political situation. This would lead the peace process to a dead end in case the Palestinian party rejected it. In this study, it was assumed that the International Recognition of the Israeli (hereinafter referred to as “IRI”) hindered the recognition of the state of Palestine. The Israelis aimed at wasting time and keeping the Palestinians with negotiations. It also aimed at keeping the active regional and international occupied with futile political argumentations. This proposition was a true rejection to the establishment of Palestine on the land of 1967. The functional systems method was employed because it was important to understand the mentality of decision making and the institutional tasks in Israel. Besides, the researcher used the analytical method in analyzing the general policies since it contributed to proposing alternatives and solutions to decision makers and the Palestinian negotiator. In this study, the concept of the state of Israel was discussed relating it to the fixed civic rights of the Palestinians. Furthermore, this recognition was the official termination of the Palestinian cause in its form and content. In terms of its content, all the central issues comprised the essence of the Palestinian cause, namely: the right of return, refugees, settlements and sovereignty. Nowadays, the previously mentioned issues are part of the past since these are part of the Israeli state not the Palestinian state. Further, the Israeli occupation was not responsible for what happened to the Palestinian people over 70 years ago. In terms of the form of the cause, it became part of the past and it didn’t exist anymore in the political arena. In return, it was hard to believe that any Palestinian party agreed on the Israeli state because this would be rejected by the Palestinians in the West Bank, Gaza, overseas and Diaspora. This step would lead to the loss of the legitimacy of the Palestinian authority. The researcher concluded that the concept of Israel is religious par excellence, but it has political reasons and aims. These aims are designed to eradicate the realistic reality of the Arab world even if it is within its geographic boundaries of 1948 or the ones which are drawn after the 1967 war. In other words, the Jewish state will be a real threat if it is recognized at the Palestinian, Arab, international or socially. It will be the end of the story of the Palestinian cause in all its components.
The Impact of the Electronic Press on the Palestinian Political Development in Palestine (West Bank & Gaza Strip) from 1996 up to 2007
(2008) Khaled Ameen Maali; Prof. Abdel Sattar Qasem
This study aims at understanding the impact of the Palestinian electronic press on the Palestinian political development starting from the establishment of the first Palestinian press electronic website in 1996 and up to 2007, getting acquainted to the Palestinian electronic press, and analyze its reality. It seeks to provide answers to several questions pertaining to the study, particularly the impact of the Palestinian electronic press on the Palestinian internal situation. Meanwhile, the subject of this research necessitates the application of the analytical descriptive approach in order to describe the reality of the Palestinian electronic press and analyze its components. This thesis discusses the role of the Palestinian electronic press to raise the Palestinian awareness, increase the ceiling of freedom mainly for confronting the Israeli occupation and uncovering its practices, and it seeks to know its assumed responsibility as a “safety valve” for the Palestinian internal situation. The researcher presents a historical background on the establishment and development of the electronic press, then he briefs up the establishment and development of the Internet, defines it, and its impact on the establishment of the electronic press, including its various characteristics. The researcher tries to propose a definition of the electronic press and its relation with the classic press. The researcher has reviewed the establishment and development of the international electronic press, and then tracked how the printed press has concurred with transformed to the electronic form through establishing electronic press websites and the resulting challenges. The researcher, then, browses the establishment and development of the Internet in Palestine accompanied by the emerging of the Palestinian electronic press, which has surpassed in several aspects the classic mass media; a thing that has accelerated the awareness of the other nations of the reality of the occupation. The researcher, then, discusses the reality of the Palestinian electronic press, and illustrates how it has gone apart from the professional criteria in the midst of the internal conflict and its failure in this regard, despite its success against the occupation. He elaborates on the “press war” between the Israeli occupation and the pro-Palestinian electronic websites. He argues the hypothesis that the Palestinian electronic press strengthens and reinforces the foundations of the Palestinian political development through increasing the ceiling of freedom, and the interchangeability between the electronic press and the political change and public opinion, and its relation with the political education. In this regard, he explains the study’s most important conclusions for the reinforcement of the bases of the Palestinian political development through the electronic press. The researcher has concluded several recommendations in order to overcome the negativeness of and develop the Palestinian electronic press. It is necessary for the press body and Ministry of Information to define the allowed ceiling when dealing with internal crises, acknowledging honor press charter, reinforcing professionalism, developing the Palestinian electronic press apart from partisanship or factionalism, and formulate an organizing strategic vision toward reform, change and political development.
The Impact Of The Government Planning Of The Palestinian Authority On Political Development (1994-2009)
(2012) Wathiq Bassam Ahmad Abdallah; Dr. Raid Nairat
Abstract This study aimed to evaluate the public policy of the successive Palestinian governments since the establishment of the Authority until the year 2009 through reviewing the programs and objectives of these governments. The study also sought to recognize the feasibility of planning adopted by the Palestinian National Authority in achieving the Palestinian national project to end the occupation and establish the Palestinian independent state. The researcher also seeks to know whether the establishment of the Palestinian state was the central concern in the plans of each government or that each one worked as separate entities? The study proposed that sound governmental planning has led to the main objective for which the National Authority was established which is the liberation of the land and the establishment of the Palestinian state. The researcher adopted the analytical, descriptive approach which is based on describing the characteristics of the programs and collect information about them over several periods which requires accurate description of the plans. The governmental programs have been collected, had their goals checked, in addition to the interviews that have been conducted with the concerned and the experts in the field. The analytical side of the approach depended on observation that results from analyzing information and documents and aims to reach the objective and organized description, in addition to the study of specialized resources and references that are related to the subject matter of the study as well as the data issued by the governments. The study has reached to a number of results which include the fact that the limitations imposed by the Oslo and Paris conventions on the Palestinian National Authority have hindered the development process extensively. These conventions have also forced the Authority to abandon its developmental objectives and the replacement of the liberation of the land with the establishment of a Palestinian state on the Line of 4 June, 1967. This had a negative impact on the open choices available to the Authority to deal with the Israeli occupation. There was a kind of consistency in the objectives of the successive governments with respect to their developmental plans especially the establishment of the independent Palestinian state. In the United Nations, the member countries have voted for the recognition of the Palestinian state that the Palestinian National Authority has promised the Palestinians with. However, the decision of the United Nations came with rejection and opposite to the expectations of the Palestinian Authority. The main challenge that faces the development of effective public institutions in Palestine is not a financial, administrative or technological, but rather political. The Palestinian plan suffers from a lack of a comprehensive developmental perspective due the an absence of collective Palestinian priorities. As a result, the Palestinian developmental plans did not depart from a clear or definite developmental social philosophy. Foreign funding plays a major role in forming the Palestinian jurisdiction with its geographic, cultural, political, economical and social dimensions and is considered one of the tools of colonialism. The study finally recommended that the Palestinian National Authority must be able to control and achieve sovereignty on the different parts of this state, achieve independence and economical stability which are not yet available in the Palestinian economical and political reality. The study also recommended the necessity to solve the problem of legitimacy that the Palestinian system is going through as quick as possible. Also, the Palestinian planning process must enjoy high flexibility to be able to deal with the immense changes that are taking place. The Palestinian Government must offer its people a clear, applicable national program and to provide a unified strategic vision that is agreed upon by all Palestinians and leads to a clarity in objectives.
The Impact of the Last Israeli Elections 2009 on the Palestinians and Israeli Peace Process
(2010) Hussein Saher Hussein Bani Jaber; Dr. Ra'ed Nu'eerat
This study aims at analyzing the results of the public Israeli Elections in 2009 and their impacts on the peace process with the Palestinian side by examine the most important attitudes and declarations related to the settlement, in particular the attitudes and the declarations of the political parties that participated in these elections. Later , these elections became a part of the structure of the coalition for the Israeli current government. Such reality means that the peace process will be affected directly by the attitudes and the programs of these parties. The researcher undertakes in this study the impacts of the elections in Israel on the process of the peace process between the Palestinians and the Israelis by showing the steps which the process went through and how it was affected directly in every election period that happens in Israel due to the changes of the ruling coalition on the one hand, and the need to abide by the policy of the government by the directions and the programs of the political parties formed in the governmental coalition on the other. In particular, when relates to the response to the requirement of the peace process which becomes a controversary among the various attitudes and parties in Israel. Concerning the thirty -second Israeli government, the prime minister finds himself forced to deal with the demands of the parties which form a coalition government which he heads; otherwise, he will expose the coalition to the danger of collapsing which Natanyaho tries to avoid by all means. This reality means that the move towards the peaceful settlement is complex and intricate. Furthermore, this study intensively deals with the results of these elections and specifies the reasons for the success of the political right and the fall of the leftists. Such circumstances enabled Netanyahu to form his second government with the help of the extreme political right. This reality was directly reflected on the peace process. Lastly, the researcher intentionally divided this study into four chapters. The first chapter focuses on the nature of the elections and party system in Israel due to its features and its impact on the public elections in Israel. The second chapter focuses on the internal and external political environment that accompanied the public elections in 2009 in Israel. The third chapter focuses on the political attitudes for Netanyahu’s thirty second government and its impact on the future of the peace process with the Palestinians throughout the conditions of the most important internal and external changes which drew the public Israeli policy and in the fourth chapter the researcher came up with several results and recommendations.
Impact of the Second Palestinian Legislative Elections on Palestinian Democratic Transformations
(2008) Khalil Mohamad Mahmood Abu Arab; Dr. Raid Nairat
This study examined the impact of the second Palestinian legislative elections on Palestinian democratic transformations within the Palestinian society in the wake of the Islamic Resistance Movement (Hamas)'s winning of these elections. To this end, the researcher raised questions pertinent to the impact of these elections on the future of the Palestinian political system. The researcher also studied the variables which have affected the political system from the ratification of Oslo Accords to the second parliamentary elections which effected important changes in the Palestinian democracy. To answer the questions of this study, the researcher began with a survey of Oslo Accords in terms of their nature and their effect on the Palestinian society. The researcher specifically investigated how the Palestinians got engaged in the political process and its impact on the Palestinian political system. As a matter of fact, their Palestinian Israeli agreements in Oslo had affected the Palestinian political system and created a state of division within the Palestinian society inside and in the Diaspora. Nevertheless, the agreement made it possible for the Palestinians to establish the first Palestinian authority in their land. However, this authority did not have full sovereignty. The researcher also explained that these agreements had written off the Palestinians' demand for the restoration of the 1948 lands after their acceptance and recognition of the UN resolutions 242 and 338. The researcher then moved to discuss the nature of the Palestinian political system and the impact of that on the democratic transformations in the Palestinian society. To this end, the researcher examined the influence of the second Palestinian legislative elections in the Palestinian factions and forces. These elections and their results were a very important turning point in the Palestinian society. All Palestinian national factions and forces, except Islamic Jihad, participated in these elections landslide. The victory of Hamas in these elections was a political upheaval in the political system from being a one- party political system to a system characterized by political pluralism. This victory by Hamas in these legislation elections surprised all including Hamas itself. That stunning victory came after the democratic process to proved that the Palestinian people's option was not necessarily supportive of the foreign and American position. Smoothness and quiet, which accompanied these elections, also astonished observers and the public. The Palestinians individuals and institutions, took upon themselves to make these elections a success. No violations were reported during the election process. This made international observers consider what had happened a big change in the democratic course of the Palestinian people. The researcher concluded that these elections have contributed to the reinforcement of the state of democracy in the Palestinian society and this in turn was reflected in the Palestinian political reality. However, the changes in the aftermath of these elections had had a great impact on the role played by the state's institutions in effecting this change particularly after Hamas moved from opposition and resistance to authority take over, and Fatah movement's change of position from authority to partial opposition. Fatah, after the elections, continued to control the institutions and presidency but lost its parliamentary strength. Moreover, the political developments, in the wake of these elections, showed that the world had an ''appointment'' with change in the structure of the Palestinian authority. This change was met with international rejection of the results of ballots after Hamas had achieved a big victory. This clearly showed that the world was waiting for a type of democracy that would suit it. However, the results ''blew'' against the world's wishes. In spite of this negative reaction of the international community, the elections turned things upside down. They produced a new Palestinian democratic path after the people participated strongly in these elections which in turn made them capable of effecting the required change. The democratic transformation and the results of the second Palestinian legislative elections were the basic pillar on which this was based. The hypothesis of this study was that the elections and their results had played an outstanding role in effecting Palestinian democracy. After testing this hypothesis, it was found that the elections and their results have created a new reality after the participation of several major factions and forces. They all competed over the legislative council seats, thus reflecting a big democratic change in the Palestinian political system. The results of these elections have put an end to the hegemony of one faction in the Palestinian arena. These also reinforced the state of partnership between the different factions and force. The elections, it should be maintained, were held on the principle of competition between the parties and forces to change the political reality. This study ended with investigation into the required role, expected from the political forces in Palestinian arena, to create an equation or strike a balance between the political desires of the parties and forces and the desires of individuals who expressed their commitment to the democratic option.
The Israeli Judaization Policy in East Jerusalem and its Consequences under the "Peace" process (1993 – 2010)
(2012) Ameen yahia ahmad awaad; Dr. Othman Othman
This study aimed at investigating the Israeli policies towards East Jerusalem within the Palestinian-Israeli peace (settlement) in 1993-2010 by looking at the texts related to Jerusalem in the Peace Accord as well as Israeli’s endeavors to turn the city into a Jewish one. The study also analyzed the consequences of these policies on the future of the city and its Palestinian residents politically, culturally and civically. The researcher stressed that the repetitive delay of discussing Jerusalem issue to the final stage helped to affect the city and change it to be a Jewish city in its entirety. The researcher also stated that despite the Israeli acceptance to put off discussing this issue, Israel insisted upon its stand towards the city which will always be the eternal capital of the state of Israel. The study traced a chronological order of the Israeli policies against Jerusalem starting from 1993 up to 2010. All these policies aimed at separating the city from its Arabic surrounding and attaching it to Israel by evacuating Palestinians and bringing Jews instead, on one hand; and by changing the geographical features, on the other, whether in terms of ruins, architecture, history, culture and, above all, religion. The researcher discussed each policy separately including settlement acts, land confiscation, forcing the Palestinians to leave, houses demolishing, etc. Then the researcher came to the separation wall and its impact on segregating the city and isolating it completely from its Arabic Palestinian surrounding. The Israeli trials to demolish Al-Aqsa Mosque and digging of tunnels under near it, were also discussed, let alone the educational attempts to change the curriculum within Palestinian schools. The study concluded that since 1993 Israel has been trying to turn Jerusalem, especially, the eastern part, into aJwish one. This is clearly manifested in their acceptance to postpone the city's case to the final stage until the Israeli impose their will on the ground. The rapid pace of building settlements around the city, according to the researcher, is a strong evidence which proves the real intentions of the Israel governments towards the city and stresses that fact that unified Jerusalem is the capital of the state of Israel.
Israeli Settlement In The West Bank And Its Impact On Political Development (1994 – 2009)
(2010) Bilal Mohammed Saleh Ibrahim; Dr. Ra’ed N’erat
This study discusses one of the major conflict issues between the Palestinians and the Israelis, and centered on the conflict and control on the ground. The Palestinians who have a legitimate right to live in Palestine, suffer from the policy of expulsion and displacement by successive Israeli governments for the settlement project in the West Bank and Jerusalem. So, this study aims to shed light on settlement policies across the various stages of the occupation of Palestine, with a focus on settlement in the West Bank and Jerusalem after the Oslo Accords, which was signed between the two sides in 1993. Chapter I of the study consists of two sections. Section I presents an introduction and Section 2 presents a study plan as well. Chapter II The first section shows the concepts of the study, while the second section deals with the theoretical framework of the study as an input to govern the general orientation of the study so as not to deviate from its course and objectives set by the researcher. Chapter III deals with two sections. The first section addresses the motives of the Zionist movement and settlement and the second section discusses the issue of settlements from a legal standpoint and international law as settlement eliminates the possibility of establishing a Palestinian state in terms of factual and legal terms, making the international position stands in place against the settlements. Chapter IIII consists of three sections, the first section deals with the stage of settlement before the Oslo Accords in 1993, and the stages it went through, while the second section deals with the stage of settlements after the Oslo Agreement in 1993 and the stages it went through, and then the third section deals with Israeli policies of settlement to fragment the West Bank and Jerusalem, through the bypass roads and military checkpoints and the apartheid wall, in addition to the settlement policy in Arab Communities. Chapter IIIII consists of three sections, the first section address the impact of settlement on economic development in the West Bank and Jerusalem, while the second section addresses the impact of settlement on social development, as important inputs to policy development and components, and then the third section, which deals with the impact of settlement on political rights of the Palestinians in the West Bank and Jerusalem, and in particular their right to establish a Palestinian state. Many findings and recommendations emerged from the study, notably: 1. The answer to the question of the study: What is the impact of Israeli settlement on the political development in the West Bank and Jerusalem? In addition to answer the other sub-questions. The study shows that settlement in the West Bank eliminates all elements of development, thereby eliminating the Palestinian dream of a Palestinian state. 2. The number of settlements and settlers in the West Bank increased by 100%, before the conventions. The number of settlers in the West Bank in (1992م) was (252,545) settlers who lived in settlements in the West Bank (111.637) in addition to (140,872) Jewish settlers living in Jerusalem. The number of settlers in the West Bank has reached by the ends of 2008 approximately (500,000) settlers. So, the vast majority of settlers live in the city of Jerusalem, where the number of settlers alone exceeds ( 282,000) settlers and this is equivalent to a rate of 54% of the settlers. It is notably recognized that the number of settlers doubled before and after the Oslo Accords, which shows that Israeli governments exploited the agreement for the benefit of increasing the number of settlements. Recommendations: 1.Regarding settlements, to develop a Palestinian strategy that aims to convince the international institutions to enforce international law on Israel, accompanied by a genuine resistance campaign against settling in the West Bank. 2. This requires a unity of the internal resistance against the settlement process and to build a Palestinian society able to withstand and confront settling , and build a new strategy of action based on the national unity of all Palestinian people wherever they exist.
The Mechanisms of Reinforcing National Solidarity between the Different Palestinian Factions and its Impact on Political Development "Fateh and Hamas" as a Case Study
(2010) Abdel Aziz As'ad Abdel Aziz Darwish; Dr. Nayef Abu Khalaf
This study focused on discussing the impact of reinforcing national solidarity between the different Palestinian factions on the political development in Palestine. Fateh and Hamas were taken as case study because both factions have a very wide political authority. The study's period extends from the date on which Oslo Accords (the Declaration of Principles on Interim Self-Government Arrangement) until the date of preparing the study. The researcher has explained four mechanisms that have the potential to support and reinforce national solidarity in Palestine. These four mechanisms are: National dialogue, elections, unity of identity and culture of diversity, as well as reinforcing the establishment of trust between the different Palestinian factions. In the study, the research depended on studying past literature that is related to the central issue and the related historical evidences as well as discussing current situations in order to identify the repercussions of reinforcing national solidarity on political development in Palestine. The researcher depended also on the analytic, descriptive approach in order to address the most significant aspects of the issue. He further depended on conducting interviews with political and academic analysts. The study also attempts to answer the basic question here about the role of the Palestinian factions with respect to the mechanisms of reinforcing national solidarity and their impact on political development in Palestine. The researcher prepared a number of hypotheses in order to answer the study's questions. Among those hypotheses is that the Palestinian national factions do not work to achieve national solidarity, but rather, they seek to achieve their own interests on expense of the national interest which the study proved right. The study has been divided into four chapters with an introduction and a background.. The first chapter discussed the theoretical side of the study in which the researcher explained the meaning national solidarity and political development and the relationship between the two. The second chapter included the most important mechanisms of reinforcing solidarity between the different Palestinian factions as well as discussing the most important disputed files that brought about this division among the Palestinians. In the third chapter the researcher discussed the role of the Palestinian national factions towards the mechanisms used to achieve or reinforce national solidarity. He also addressed the different situations and conditions that the factions have experienced. In the fourth chapter however, the researcher practically analyzed the impact of the mechanisms of reinforcing national solidarity on political development through conducting interviews, revealing its role in the political change in Palestine, and its impact on democratic transformation in the country in order to determine the extent to which those mechanisms have achieved and reinforced political development. At the end of his study, the researcher provided a number of recommendations such as: the fact that the mechanism of the Palestinian national dialogue, elections, unity of identity and culture of diversity, reinforcing trust, form important foundations on which national solidarity can be built between the different Palestinian national factions. The dispute between those factions is not attributed to the mechanisms themselves, but to the fact that this problem is deeply rooted between them. The researcher's basic recommendations are: to work on forming a joint leadership commission that perform as a supreme leadership for the Palestinian people which includes all the factions together which will help in achieving solidarity, enabling different people to participate in decision making. This step is important as long as political dispute remains on ground and as long as past discussions continue to fail in establishing a national unity that has the potential to reinforce the Palestinian national unity.
Methods of Political Change for Islamic Political Groups Between Ideology and Practice "Muslim Brotherhood Movement in Egypt as aCase Study"
(2012) Ra'ed Muhammad Abdel Fattah Debiy; Dr. Ra'ed N'erat
Abstract This study discusses the methods of political change among the Islamic political movements. "The Muslim Brotherhood Movement in Egypt 1928-2005" will be a case study, Islamic political movement has been crucial role in modern middle east history. The role is expected to increase further in light of the revolutions that are taking place in the Arab world2011 which resulted in the elections that were organized in a number of Arab countries such as Tunisia, Morocco and Egypt. results have shown the growing role of the Islamic political movements as a partner in the decision-making process after long absence from the official political scene. We argue in the study that the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt has adopted, in its quest to make the change it desires in the Egyptian society, a number of different methods that are sometimes seen as contradictory. However, the selection mechanism of these methods and their execution in light of the prohibition that the Brotherhood Movement experiences often come close to changes in intellect and ideology. For that purpose, the study laid down a number of questions about the nature of these methods and the mechanisms that the Egyptian Brotherhood Movement has adopted in its quest to achieve full change in the Egyptian society since its establishment in 1928 until the year 2005. Based on this, the study suggests the variability of the methods that the Muslim Brotherhood Movement have adopted in order to achieve political change that corresponds to its intellectual visions; however, it did not succeed in forming a government that has an Islamic reference. A number of scientific research methodologies such as, the analytical, descriptive methodology in order to analyze the positions, ideas and behaviors of the Movement in different stages to achieve total change; The extent to which these methods did or did not fulfill the goals of the Movement was examined. Moreover, the researcher followed the historical methodology to shed light on the most significant historical stages in the Movement's history. The study was concluded with a number of results. First, it emphasized the hypothesis which said that the Brotherhood Movement did not succeed in quest to achieve change during the period of the study. Second, The movement was able to obtain the accomplishment and de facto legitimacy during its quest to change in spite of the fact that the Movement was banned over a long time of its history and existence. Finally, the study recommens for more success first, that it is necessary for the Brotherhood Movement to change its stereotype which always depicted it as a movement that uses violence , second it is important for Muslim Brotherhood Movement to adopt a clear discourse not subject to different interpretation about its vision of the shape of the Egyptian state, the role of the Copts and women.
The Nature of the Egyptian Role and Motivations in the Palestinian National Dialogue 2005-2010
(2012) Ghayyath Mohammad Solaiman Jazi; Dr. Nayef Abu Khalaf
The study aims to determine what is the Egyptian role in the Palestinian national dialogue, and to understand its Motivations by identifying the factors which influence this role of the Palestinian issue; such as geographical, religious and national factors. It also aims to find out the most important challenges and obstacles which faced this role, and to show future prospects for success. In addition it tries to identify the basis of the historical relationship between Egypt and Palestine in order to elicit the future of the dialogue results. Moreover, it shows the most obstacles which confront reaching national and political unity between both sides of homeland, and ends the state of division (fragmentation). Therefore, the study addresses this issue in its four chapters as the following: Chapter I; studies the problem and its borders as well as reviewing some previous relevant studies. While Chapter II deals with the theoretical dimension and the basic concepts associated with the study. Chapter III traces the developments of the Egyptian role toward Palestinian issue since the First World War until the end of 2010, and it searches in the most important factors affecting the role of Egypt in the Palestinian issue. The fourth chapter deals with the Nature and motivations of the Egyptian Role in the Palestinian national dialogue, and studies the essence of this role, in addition to the Egypt's role toward the main parties of the dialogue Fatah and Hamas, and the most important challenges and obstacles which faced this role. The study ends up by subtracting a number of conclusions, despite the fact that there are a number of Motivations that stands behind the Egyptian role in the Palestinian national dialogue, but there are a remarkable motivations come on top of these such as; the motive which is associated with Egyptian national security, securing the eastern gate linking Egypt to Gaza, and Egypt's role as a primary regional player in the area. In addition, the desire of the ruling regime in Egypt in Containment the phenomenon of Hamas strength growing in the region, as it is emerged out of the Muslim Brotherhood, formulate an important role in pushing Egypt toward mediation, and influence in the Palestinian national dialogue. In conclusion the study presents a set of recommendations that aims to the success of the Palestinian national dialogue, and enhance the chances of success of the Egyptian role in the mediation and auspices for such a dialogue. The most important of these recommendations that Palestinian parties should take into consideration is the issue of Egyptian national security, especially the stability of the situation on the Egyptian border with Gaza, and not to do activities that could contribute in fomenting the Egyptian side, or affect the national security of Egypt. Palestinians in different political spectrum, elites and even general public can also contributes in activating and strengthening the role of Egypt in its quest for success of the dialogue, and by activating the pressure from the street under clear and specific titles achieves reconciliation between Fatah and Hamas, and to exercise direct pressure on the parties to push them towards the achievement of the reconciliation faltered. During the preparation of this study certain changes and transformations occurred in the Arab scene as a result of the so-called Arab Spring, Egypt has had a largest share of these transformations, as a result of a popular revolution President Mubarak's regime fell down , this gave the Muslim Brotherhood a chance to reach power in Egypt. Thus this raises a significant questions about the future of the Egyptian role in the dialogue and its prospects for success and continuity, and whether Egyptian support for Hamas movement will be affected from what it was during the reign of former President Hosni Mubarak?

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