Political Planning and Development

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The Israeli Judaization Policy in East Jerusalem and its Consequences under the "Peace" process (1993 – 2010)
(2012) Ameen yahia ahmad awaad; Dr. Othman Othman
This study aimed at investigating the Israeli policies towards East Jerusalem within the Palestinian-Israeli peace (settlement) in 1993-2010 by looking at the texts related to Jerusalem in the Peace Accord as well as Israeli’s endeavors to turn the city into a Jewish one. The study also analyzed the consequences of these policies on the future of the city and its Palestinian residents politically, culturally and civically. The researcher stressed that the repetitive delay of discussing Jerusalem issue to the final stage helped to affect the city and change it to be a Jewish city in its entirety. The researcher also stated that despite the Israeli acceptance to put off discussing this issue, Israel insisted upon its stand towards the city which will always be the eternal capital of the state of Israel. The study traced a chronological order of the Israeli policies against Jerusalem starting from 1993 up to 2010. All these policies aimed at separating the city from its Arabic surrounding and attaching it to Israel by evacuating Palestinians and bringing Jews instead, on one hand; and by changing the geographical features, on the other, whether in terms of ruins, architecture, history, culture and, above all, religion. The researcher discussed each policy separately including settlement acts, land confiscation, forcing the Palestinians to leave, houses demolishing, etc. Then the researcher came to the separation wall and its impact on segregating the city and isolating it completely from its Arabic Palestinian surrounding. The Israeli trials to demolish Al-Aqsa Mosque and digging of tunnels under near it, were also discussed, let alone the educational attempts to change the curriculum within Palestinian schools. The study concluded that since 1993 Israel has been trying to turn Jerusalem, especially, the eastern part, into aJwish one. This is clearly manifested in their acceptance to postpone the city's case to the final stage until the Israeli impose their will on the ground. The rapid pace of building settlements around the city, according to the researcher, is a strong evidence which proves the real intentions of the Israel governments towards the city and stresses that fact that unified Jerusalem is the capital of the state of Israel.
Palestinian Woman Between Armed Resistance and Political Straggle Through Intifadt Al-Aqsa 2000-2006
(2012) Sahar Faisal Mahmoud Al-Qisiy; Dr. Othman Othman
The study aimed to address the woman's political and military role during Al-Aqsa Intifada (Uprising) and her status in the Palestinian decision-making center whether in the official institutions or the national factions. In Chapter One the study sought to use certain tools such as reviewing and discussing previous literature, as well as referring to references and resources available in libraries and the internet. Leading women figures were also interviewed who were in the highest levels inside the Palestinian factions both in the West Bank and Gaza to highlight the situation of women in these factions. In the second chapter, the researcher discussed the concept of political participation, its different levels and patterns. In this chapter also, the researcher explained the political situation of the Arab woman and considered the Palestinian woman an integrated part of the Arab women. The researcher discussed the current status of the Palestinian woman in the Palestinian Authority's official institutions such as the Legislative Council, the Local Council, and the Executive Authority such as ministries and governorates. Through the interviews with the women leaderships, the study explained the reality of the Palestinian woman in the institutions that are affiliated with the different Palestinian factions and the positions those women take whether political positions or military ones. In the third chapter the researcher addressed the political and military history of the Palestinian woman in addition to the women's political and military fight and resistance before 1948. The researcher then discussed the women's fight against the occupation during the period between 1948 (Nakba) and 1967 (Naksa). Moreover, the study highlighted the impact and the role of the Palestinian Liberation Organization and the different Palestinian Resistance Factions in encouraging the Palestinian women to take part in resistance and fight against the occupation after 1967. Then the researcher talked about the impact of the Israeli practices against the Palestinian women because of the women's participation in the first Intifada both politically and in military. The study also explained the reality of the Palestinian women in the institutions of the Palestinian Authority in the period between 1996 and the beginning of Al-Aqsa Intifada, in addition to the impact of the Authority on the feminist movement during that period. In the fourth chapter the researcher addressed the role of the Palestinian women in Al-Aqsa Intifada both politically and in military; it also reviewed the Israeli practices against women in Palestine and discussed the point of view of women political leadership regarding the role of the Intifada in enabling the Palestinian women to occupy decision- making positions. The study concluded that the participation of the Palestinian women has always been active and present in the Palestinian history, though it was somehow marginal; women did not have the chance to participate and reach high levels in the decision-making process. The study recommended giving women in Palestine the right to reach and occupy advanced positions in decision-making at the different official and non-official institutions (Palestinian Factions). The study finally called upon the Palestinian feminist movement to stand united in defending the Palestinian cause and to open dialogue between all the sides that make up this movement.
PLO Political Experience From The Armed Resistance to the Peaceful Settlement (1964-2006)
(2008) Hamzeh Abdul Hameed Mahmoud Al-Smadi; Dr. Othman Othman
The thesis examines the nature of the political and intellectual changes in the PLO Coordinates since its inception in 1964 up to the year 2006. The intended amendments to the Palestinian national project, which defined features national charter in 1968. In response to the subjective and objective conditions, the result of the shift, first armed struggle and the People's Liberation War as a way of the full liberalization, to direct negotiations with Israel as a way for a political settlement. Secondly, the shift from the goal of establishing a democratic state on all Palestinian territories, to built National Authority on the part of Palestine, and then to accepting an independent state on the borders of the partition resolution No. 181. and then accepting a transitional self-rule in the West Bank and Gaza Strip, as a prelude to the establishment of an independent state within the borders of the occupied territories since 1967. And thirdly shift from the goal of the return of refugees to their homes and lands which abandoned them in 1948, to a settlement acceptable and agreed with Israel for their cause. And fourthly the PLO transition from refusal to recognize Israel state, to Palestinian official recognition of its existence in Palestine. Then the shift from refused to recognize the Security Council resolution 242, to an explicit recognition, by Yasser Arafat himself, as a PLO leader. All these transformations and other affected directly on the political and ideological program of the PLO, and its relationship profit regional and international levels. That is known as a cause of division in the Palestinian arena. Section of the Palestinian political forces viewed what was a concession and deviation from the fundamental principles governing the conflict with Israel. The other part consider those shifts as a political realistic program succeed in penetrating the logic of Zionist expansion, and exclusively the western support to Israel at the international scene. Apart from that success is a victory on the Arab disability, and on a limited ability of the Palestinian resistance to win the militarily battle with Israel. Regardless of the arguments of both groups, the best way to absorb this complex political reality and its repercussions, the return to the audit experience the Palestine Liberation Organization from its inception, the reading of the political and the Arab and Palestinian situation that accompanied its inception in 1964. The Researcher notice the role of Egypt led by the late President Gamal Abdel Nasser and the League of Arab States in crystallizing the idea of the Palestinian entity and the PLO establishment 1964, and the drafting of its charter to national statute. Arab role retreated somewhat after the defeat of Arab armies in the war in June 1967, and the increasing role of the resistance in return, especially after the defeat of the Israeli army in the battle of AL-Karameh in 1968, by the Fatah fighters and the Palestinian resistance factions and the Jordanian army. That opened the way for the accession of the Fatah Movement and factions of the Palestinian armed action to the Organization(PLO)in 1969,and thus led to the dominance of Fateh on the political resolution of the PLO, following the election of Yasser Arafat representative of the Fateh as PLO Executive Committee President in that year. At the same time, Fateh has changed the National Charter of the PLO, and amended some of its clauses and articles, Which became the National Charter. Since then, it can be said that there has been an overlap between the principles of Fateh, and the PLO objectives and policies. In the next chapter researcher moved on to talk about the determinants of the PLO political decision-making, and internal and external considerations to be taken into account in its decision, and the mechanisms used in its drafting, and the nature of political parties participating in it, and specialized institutions in the industry, and output. the researcher concluded that the Palestinian decision tends to rely on the tactic more than commitment to strategy, And Dominated by the personal nature of the charismatic Yasser Arafat than by the opinion of the collective leadership of the PLO. The researcher pointed out that the main output of this situation was the Composition of the (Front rejection) led by George Habash the PFLP former Secretary-General, and the absence of any real impact for many years by the national forces and the masses of the West Bank and Gaza Strip. That was why the writer on the third chapter tries to answer the question which is about the meaning of political legitimacy. Including the monitoring of the source of the legitimacy and its mechanisms, In the Palestinian arena, the Arab world, and internationally. It is a very important issue, because the hostile force has spared no effort in trying to create political alternatives to the PLO throughout many years. The researcher says here, that the leadership of the organization has succeeded in blending the revolutionary legitimacy and legality charisma, In addition to the use of historical legitimacy, to devote political legitimacy. Despite the provision of the organization's leadership political concessions mission to the United States of America in 1988, and to Israel in 1993, the price of recognizing the legitimacy of representation of the Palestinian people in return. In Chapter Four, Because of these concessions the Researcher analyzed the PLO position draft political settlement of international and regional raised since 1967, and even the start of the Madrid peace conference in 1991. He Address some detail on the Palestinian national project, founded, principles, and objectives. Researcher addressed how the transformation of this project to a phased program 1974, and then to the political agenda in 1979, and to the peace initiative in 1988, and to the 1993 Oslo Accords. He said: there are several circumstances and events have contributed to these transformations, and affected on the components of the project and the national cohesion. For example, the civil war in Jordan in 1970, and the war with Israel in 1973, and the civil war in Lebanon in 1975, and the Palestinian Israeli war in 1982 and the siege of Israel to the PLO forces in Beirut for 87 days, then the outbreak of the first Palestinian Intifada in 1987. In Chapter five Researcher was dealing with the stages of the political negotiations between the PLO and the government of Israel since 1991, and its consequences, and their negative impact on the entire Palestinian situation. And how the organization's leadership absorbed the political changes that preceded these negotiations, and the purpose of participating, although no readiness to settle by the Israeli leadership, as demonstrated by the official Israeli policy towards the Palestinians. In Chapter six the writer noticed the presence of five main reasons stood behind the political and intellectual changes in the PLO national draft since 1968 until 1993, as a Conclusion to his Thesis. the first one concern to the political weakness of the PLO, In addition to the structural imbalance in its internal affairs. Resulted in multiple factions and ideas and slogans which led to the organizational divisions, and the absence of the role of the institution and the individual dominance of the resolution, and attempts to create alternatives and the marginalization of the role of the West Bank and Gaza Strip national movement. Secondly, military weakness resulted from the weakness of the military unity of the resistance factions, and the absence of the Safe Base, and fighting the Israelis' from outside the borders of Palestine, and repeated defeats in the field of internal Jordanian and Lebanese fronts, in addition to the defeats in the confrontation with Israel. Thirdly, the internationalization of the Palestinian cause, and the strong connection between the future of the Great States interests like the U.S.A and Russia and the Western European countries with any solution to the Palestinian cause. Fourthly, the Arab regimes Wobblers attitude towards the Palestinian resistance, programmers and objectives, and also how to resolve the conflict with Israel. Finally, the emergence of political and intellectual currents within the PLO itself, calls for political realism, and political tactics, and to search for a peaceful settlement with Israel, and not neglecting the powers that govern the conflict with Israel. Ultimately, the Researcher said that the Palestinian leadership has resorted to political experimentation approach to achieving the PLO objectives, and adopted a policy of crisis management rather than treatment. that weaken their ability to accomplish national project. At last the Researcher made a number of recommendations, such as: 1- Rebuild PLO on democracy and constitutionality basics. 2- Review its political program after all the political developments in the Palestinian cause. 3- Fighting any manifestations of corruption, and strengthen its institutions and strengthening the national unity as away to enhance its legitimacy. 4- Dealing with the negotiations with Israel as a form of political struggle to achieve national goals.
The Role of the EU in the Political Development Towards Palestinian Occupied Territories (1991-2007)
(2009) Issam H.M. banifadel; Dr. Othman Othman
This study aims to explain the European union developing policies and its influence on the economical, political, social and security position in West Bank and Gaza strip. It also aims to explore if these policies has contributed in building Palestinian economy that helps in setting up an independent Palestinian state or it was just security policies disguised in an economical mask to protect Israel and it security. Moreover, it aim to reveal the European political efforts to promote middle east peace process since its break through in Madrid conference in 1991 until Annapolis conference for peace which was held by the end 2007. It also discusses the effects of Israeli policies on Palestinian development efforts since the sign up on Oslo contract which intern leads to the establishment of Palestinian authority. beside this, it aims to clarify the role of the European union in reducing the side effects of the Israeli sever policies through the financial aid which the European union gave Palestinian people to build a national economy. However, the writer shed lights on the limitations of the EU external policy Towards the middle east and the Palestinian issue, such as the economical, political and security factors. The study also includes a report on the prominent role of EU towards the Palestinian issue during the period before the sign up of Oslo agreement and the European aids to Palestinian at that time. The researcher also discussed the role of EU to promote the peace process in Middle-East after Oslo and the EU relations with Palestinian authority. The EU has played an effective political role to push up the political peace process in 1990s.not only does the report show the EU position of the second Palestinian Intifada and it role in international initiative that appeared as a result the breakthrough of the Intifada, to settle the Palestinian -Israeli conflict but it also reveals the role of EU position of Hamas and it victory in the legislative elections in 2006 and forming the tenth government which in turn leads to a severe siege on Palestinian people. Moreover, the researcher gave us a clear idea about the effects of EU developing policies until Annapolis conference to build together a national independent economy for Palestinians. He also mentions the EU role in the Palestinian political reformation. he also talks about the Israeli repeated violence's through building settlements, collective punishment, and Hebraizing Jerusalem. By the end of this research, he concludes that EU aimed to protect Israel through his financial aids. EU connected those aids with commitment of the Palestinian authority to fight terrorism and terrorist organizations. He also says that EU looked for apolitical role in the peace process in cooperation with Americans and under their umbrella. the EU agrees to start with a simple role even if it just to give aids. But EU has failed to turn the paper of financial aids into an effective role to play an effective political role as a result of the American- Israeli orders. So the EU role stays as a secondary role. Moreover, the study inform us that all the financial aids have failed to in occurring a real economical development in Palestine. Since they were given politically to refresh the political process, but not to build a strong independent economy in Palestinian, and because the donating countries including EU offered these aids with a plan that suits its political goals, but they don’t meet the Palestinian people needs. Financial aids have failed also to compensate the lose in the Palestinian economy which appeared as a result of the Israeli severe measurements against Palestinian people during the second Intifada.
The Role of the Social Media Website "Facebook" in the Process of Political Change Egypt as a Model
(2012) Mosaab husam aldein lutfi katalony; Dr. Othman Othman
The Arab world in late 2010 and early 2011, has witnessed several political upheavals. Although unexpected, they took place in a rapid and influential manner. For the first time in modern history the Arab people resisted their governments and were able to achieve their goals and aspirations. They were able to gain some freedom through popular revolutions and managed to topple several totalitarian and authoritative regimes; regimes which have ruled them for decades. The sequence of events and the means used by the Arab peoples in these revolutions are very much influenced by social networking websites. Social networking websites have played an essential and effective role in these revolutions or so-called "Arab spring". These websites altered their use from merely as a means to make friends and build relationships to unite people and influence revolutions. Social network users managed to develop these sites for their benefit, as activists expressed their political views, sharing their living conditions with the world. This has affected the change that is now seen in the Arab world. The objective of this study, using an analytical method, is an attempt to discover the role these sites played and how they managed to be the spark for the revolutions. This study aims to address the most prominent aspects which have turned these sites and in particular “Facebook” into political tools used to influence developments. It aims to discover how internet activists, who spend a significant amount of time behind their computer screens in chat rooms, discussed revolutionary ideas to turn their cyber struggle into a revolution with thousands of people pouring into the streets, leading mass protests. The study, consisting of eight chapters, discusses the political, economic, and social development in Arab countries, along with other factors that have contributed significantly in creating a general climate of popular uprisings, and gradually giving rise to the concept of political change. This study highlights the stages, means, and the ways in which information technology and the internet, along with the emergence of new tools, such as electronic media, and new media, have managed to be a significant aspect in the revolution. In regards to the Egyptian revolution, beginning January 25th, 2011, this study gives an in depth insight into the sequence of events and their causes (direct and indirect), characteristics, stages, and highlights both political and social gains, as well as the role of Facebook in creating the atmosphere which sparked the revolution. This study also highlights important factors, such as corruption and torture in prisons along with the prevalent detention centers and their relationship to these events. It also addresses statistics of the internet and Facebook in Egypt before and after the revolution, and how the Egyptian regime attempted to suppress the revolution by cutting off communications and persecute activists. Finally, this study also comments on the direct role played by Facebook, in particular the creation of pages such as “We are all Khaled Said" in being an element of the first spark for the revolution. This study attempts to explore the role that social networking sites play in the future and their effect on the level of political change. This study aims to highlight the tangible and important role of social networking sites particularly in terms of promoting democratic values and respect for human rights within the Arab world. This study concludes that many factors have played a significant role in shaking the dust coma of the Arab people and allowed them to rise up against the ruling regimes, which have long been described as, "repressive". However, while many factors have played a role, what is undeniable is the role of technology and its rapid development in particular network sites and their effect on the revolutions that the Arab world has recently witnessed. If globalization was able to convert the world into “a small village”, Facebook was able to convert the world into "a small room".
A Study in Islamic Authoritative Political Discourse in Palestine and its Effect on Hammas and Islamic Jihad Political Practice
(2009) Khaled Ali Muhammad Zawwawi; Dr. Othman Othman
This study addressed the preferentiality of the Islamic political discourse in Palestine and its impact on the political practice of both Hamas and Islamic Jihad Movements. The study relied on analyzing text produced by both movements and extracting the concepts that form their political and intellectual discourse since intellect cannot be separated from policy. The study consists of seven chapters and the preliminary chapters which are considered an introduction to the main chapters. Those chapters discussed the theoretical frame in which the theoretical structure and study methodology are determined. In addition to the specific definition of the discourse through discussing a number of determinations of this concept by different scholars. In the second chapter the researcher discussed discourse in Islam and the ambiguity of this discourse according to Islamic thinkers. He also explained the characteristics of this concept according to those scholars. Moreover, the researcher discussed the Islamic political discourse and the conditions of its production according to Hasan Al Banna through reviewing the theories that addressed the emergence of this kind of discourse. In the third chapter, the researcher described and talked about the Islamic political discourse in Palestine since the beginnings of the 20th century until the eighth decade of this century. He also discussed the movements and individuals who had political role that was based on Islamic principles and explained the experience of the Muslim Brotherhood Movement (Al-Ikhwan Al-Muslimeen) being the only group that had a clear intellectual basis. The fourth, fifth and sixth chapters were dedicated to the Islamic Jihad in Palestine in which the researcher discussed the stages of its intellectual development. In the fourth chapter, the researcher explained the intellectual and methodological establishment stage between 1975-1991; this is the period during which Fathi Al Shuqaqi's speeches and discourse prevailed. This stage was characterized by having the legal preferentiality the basis for the theoretical foundation which is different from the Ikhwani concept. In the fifth chapter, the researcher discussed the changes that affected the political discourse of the Muslim Brotherhood Movement and its referential platforms. He also explained how this discourse was established on the basis of policy rather than ideology. The researcher further discussed the stage which Khalifa Al-Shuqaqi led and Ramadan Abdallah Shallah , the Second Secretary of the Islamic Jihad Movement, and explained his hesitation between political and legitimate referential ties and how did his position towards the legislative elections in 2006, the Detainees Document, Liberation Organization, and the intra-Palestinian dialogue. In the final chapter the researcher discussed the preferentiality of the political discourse of Hamas Movement (Islamic Resistance Movement) through analyzing the text that it produced internally or through the text or agreements that it signed such as the Covenant, the Detainees Document, and Mecca Agreement. He also examined the impact of these things on Hamas's positions towards dialogue, the truce, the Liberation Organization and the 2006 legislative elections. Through this chapter, the researcher was able to discover that Hamas has been loyal to its positions and stances that were included in the Covenant. The study also found that the most important change and transformation in the history of Hamas's political discourse was its signing on Mecca Agreement according to which Hamas respected the agreements that were signed between Israel and the Liberation Organization.
The Turkish Development Role in the Territories under the Government of Development and Justice Party (2002-2010)
(2012) Samar Mahmoud Mohamad Hassan; Dr. Othman Othman
This study dealt with the Turkish development role in the Occupied Palestinian Territories under the Development and Justice Party Government between 2002-2010. The study mainly examined the political and economic role of Turkey. To this end, the researcher studied the Turkish political and economic positions, statements and measures. The study first surveyed the historical development of the Turkish stance towards the Palestinian cause(1948-2002). Then the study dealt with the Turkish policy towards the Palestinian cause since the rule of the Development and Justice Party(2002-2010). The study also dwelt on the Turkish economic aid and its development role in the Palestinian-state building and enabling the Palestinians to stay on their lands. . The researcher used the analytical descriptive method to describe and explain the Turkish position towards the events and developments which the Palestinian cause has experienced over the years. The researcher specifically examined the decision-making method to study the internal and external factors that have influenced the Turkish political decision. She also used the comparative method to find out the areas of similarity and difference between the Turkish political and economic role towards the Occupied Palestinian Territories before 2002 and after. The study has arrived at the following conclusions: 1. There was a change in the Turkish positions towards Palestine before and after 2002. Between 1948-1967 the Turkish position was characterized by isolationism, neutrality and hesitation, indecisiveness and double standard. However, between 1967-1993, the Turkish position was characterized by clarity, and limited openness in attitude. Between 1993-2002,the Turkish political discourse changed dramatically became supportive of the Palestinian position. This was due to internal and external factors which influenced the Turkish political decision. Between 2002-2010, the Turkish political and economic role began to enjoy visions and independent perceptions different from those of other influential parties. The Turkish began to work for the protection and empowerment of the Palestinians politically and economically to build their independent state in line with the Palestinian priorities and development needs. In this context, they supported sectors whose priority was to introduce reforms and render economic development. In this study, it was also found that the Turkish economic aid and support of projects were given according to professional mechanisms and were not conditioned for approval. The only criterion for approval of any project was how much it was beneficial to the largest number of the people in Palestine and how much it would meet the needs of the Palestinian population. In the light of the study findings, the researcher came up with the following recommendations: 1. Calling upon the official and non-official institutions to work toward the setting up of mechanisms in order to reinforce the Turkish role economically and politically in Palestine. 2. Calling upon the researchers and specialists and Palestinian universities to establish research centers to conduct research on all aspects of life in Palestine and Turkey such as politics, economics, history, culture and social life. This is in addition to exchange of practical and scientific expertise .

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