Political Planning and Development

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The Events of June 2007 in the Gaza Strip and Their Strategic and Tactical Effects on the Palestinian National Program
(2009) Kifah Harab Muhammad Odeh; Dr. Nayef Abu Khalaf
This study of the June 2007 events in the Gaza Strip and their impact on the Palestinian national scheme was an attempt to analyze and understand the political determinates and developments which has surrounded the Palestinian National Program since its approval in the Declaration of Independence in 1988. This study also dwelt on the state of the violent political change which the Islamic Resistance Movement (Hamas) carried out in the Gaza Strip in terms of the repercussions of the state of division between the West Bank and the Gaza Strip on the structure of the Palestinian Authority(PA)'s political system and the future of the Palestinian cause. To these ends, the researcher depended on a comparison based on description and analysis of internal and external political developments which contributed to the formation of the present Palestinian policy under the umbrella of the presence of the PA in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip, given the fact that it is a political defector. The researcher moved on to analyze the consequences of the political change in the wake of Hamas's engagement / participation in the Palestinian political system through the use of internal fighting. In tacking this subject, the research significantly depended on review of related literatures, historical evidence, developments on the ground as well as analysis of the consequences of the state of new political change on enabling the Palestinian people to confront the Israeli occupation and realization of the Palestinian national scheme. Coupled with political analysis, the researcher provided a survey of the creation of the Palestinian entity, development of the concept of Palestinian nationalism in the course of the Palestinian national struggle, the hows of protecting its existence through fostering the Palestinian people's right to self-determination and establishment of an independent state. In this study, the researcher endeavored to answer one major question: what has been the impact of Hamas's control of the of the Gaza Strip on the geographical and political unity of the West Bank and the Gaza Strip? In addition, the researcher raised other questions pertinent to the effect of that step on the unity of the Palestinian goal: establishment of an independent Palestinian state as well as the consequences of the division on the Palestinian cause, political structure of the PA, the process of the democratic transformation or change and the social effects pertinent to the relationship between and among the Palestinian organizations. The research, in this study, provided a deep analysis to answer the questions raised in the four chapters. Chapter one provided a theoretical framework and a number of relevant concepts, pertinent to the subject of the study, such as political change, notion of the state and the term of autonomy. Chapter two dwelt on the evolution of the Palestinian political entity and its link to the concept of Palestinian nationalism and the development of the Palestinian national scheme, the curves it has taken and the challenges it has faced. Chapter three was devoted to the positions of the Palestinian organizations toward the Palestinians national scheme. It specifically highlighted the positions of the Palestine Liberation Organization's factions as well as those of the Islamic movements which are until now outside the umbrella of the PLO. Chapter four dealt with the political development of the PA's political system since its establishment through the changes in its political structure in the context of Hamas's participation in the political system of this authority. The chapter highlighted the reasons and the motives behind the events of July 2007, consequences of the state of division on the Palestinian cause, the establishment of an independent Palestinian state, the transformation of the PA and the process of democratic transformation. In the light of the findings of the study, the researcher arrived at a number of conclusions and recommendations. * The PA's political structure, after Hamas's sweeping victory in the Palestinian Legislative Council elections has elapsed into double into standard politics, reinforcing legal compromising formulas which unify the political determinants and legal powers of the limited autonomy of the PA. The geopolitical division, resulting from the political coup and upheaval in the Gaza Strip, has significantly weakened the PA's legal and institutional building legitimacy. The PA has found itself in front of two difficult models of executive authority coupled with a total paralysis of the legislative authority. Therefore, the return to the national dialogue is a necessity and a top priority to end the state of division. Equally important, an appropriate mechanism has to be created in order to hold presidential and legislative elections to bring unity to the PA's political system through the establishment of one authority in both the West Bank and the Gaza Strip. Hamas's control of the Gaza Strip, in the wake of June 2007 events, has threatened the notion of the Palestinian national scheme. These events have revealed the presence of a competitive political vision which has managed to impose itself as a defector authority, thus causing confusion of the principle of the Palestinian national unity as well as fragmentation and dispersal of the Palestinian national identity. To check on the risks of division on the Palestinian national scheme, there is a pressing necessity for national reconciliation and consensus based on common ground: creation of appropriate mechanisms that guarantee partnership and pluralism as a foundation for the realization of a strong Palestinian national unity. * The political division has crossed with the existing Israeli vision of separating the West Bank from the Gaza Strip. Israeli has managed to exploit this division for its own interests through its investment as a launching pad for sidestepping the Palestinian representation. Therefore, the Palestinian parties have to speed up the restoration of cohesion and unity to the Palestinian national camp according to the NCD as a major political covenant. This perhaps will form as a political outlet for all the Palestinian parties to build on and to end the state of division and reinforce the independent Palestinian representation.
The Mechanisms of Reinforcing National Solidarity between the Different Palestinian Factions and its Impact on Political Development "Fateh and Hamas" as a Case Study
(2010) Abdel Aziz As'ad Abdel Aziz Darwish; Dr. Nayef Abu Khalaf
This study focused on discussing the impact of reinforcing national solidarity between the different Palestinian factions on the political development in Palestine. Fateh and Hamas were taken as case study because both factions have a very wide political authority. The study's period extends from the date on which Oslo Accords (the Declaration of Principles on Interim Self-Government Arrangement) until the date of preparing the study. The researcher has explained four mechanisms that have the potential to support and reinforce national solidarity in Palestine. These four mechanisms are: National dialogue, elections, unity of identity and culture of diversity, as well as reinforcing the establishment of trust between the different Palestinian factions. In the study, the research depended on studying past literature that is related to the central issue and the related historical evidences as well as discussing current situations in order to identify the repercussions of reinforcing national solidarity on political development in Palestine. The researcher depended also on the analytic, descriptive approach in order to address the most significant aspects of the issue. He further depended on conducting interviews with political and academic analysts. The study also attempts to answer the basic question here about the role of the Palestinian factions with respect to the mechanisms of reinforcing national solidarity and their impact on political development in Palestine. The researcher prepared a number of hypotheses in order to answer the study's questions. Among those hypotheses is that the Palestinian national factions do not work to achieve national solidarity, but rather, they seek to achieve their own interests on expense of the national interest which the study proved right. The study has been divided into four chapters with an introduction and a background.. The first chapter discussed the theoretical side of the study in which the researcher explained the meaning national solidarity and political development and the relationship between the two. The second chapter included the most important mechanisms of reinforcing solidarity between the different Palestinian factions as well as discussing the most important disputed files that brought about this division among the Palestinians. In the third chapter the researcher discussed the role of the Palestinian national factions towards the mechanisms used to achieve or reinforce national solidarity. He also addressed the different situations and conditions that the factions have experienced. In the fourth chapter however, the researcher practically analyzed the impact of the mechanisms of reinforcing national solidarity on political development through conducting interviews, revealing its role in the political change in Palestine, and its impact on democratic transformation in the country in order to determine the extent to which those mechanisms have achieved and reinforced political development. At the end of his study, the researcher provided a number of recommendations such as: the fact that the mechanism of the Palestinian national dialogue, elections, unity of identity and culture of diversity, reinforcing trust, form important foundations on which national solidarity can be built between the different Palestinian national factions. The dispute between those factions is not attributed to the mechanisms themselves, but to the fact that this problem is deeply rooted between them. The researcher's basic recommendations are: to work on forming a joint leadership commission that perform as a supreme leadership for the Palestinian people which includes all the factions together which will help in achieving solidarity, enabling different people to participate in decision making. This step is important as long as political dispute remains on ground and as long as past discussions continue to fail in establishing a national unity that has the potential to reinforce the Palestinian national unity.
The Nature of the Egyptian Role and Motivations in the Palestinian National Dialogue 2005-2010
(2012) Ghayyath Mohammad Solaiman Jazi; Dr. Nayef Abu Khalaf
The study aims to determine what is the Egyptian role in the Palestinian national dialogue, and to understand its Motivations by identifying the factors which influence this role of the Palestinian issue; such as geographical, religious and national factors. It also aims to find out the most important challenges and obstacles which faced this role, and to show future prospects for success. In addition it tries to identify the basis of the historical relationship between Egypt and Palestine in order to elicit the future of the dialogue results. Moreover, it shows the most obstacles which confront reaching national and political unity between both sides of homeland, and ends the state of division (fragmentation). Therefore, the study addresses this issue in its four chapters as the following: Chapter I; studies the problem and its borders as well as reviewing some previous relevant studies. While Chapter II deals with the theoretical dimension and the basic concepts associated with the study. Chapter III traces the developments of the Egyptian role toward Palestinian issue since the First World War until the end of 2010, and it searches in the most important factors affecting the role of Egypt in the Palestinian issue. The fourth chapter deals with the Nature and motivations of the Egyptian Role in the Palestinian national dialogue, and studies the essence of this role, in addition to the Egypt's role toward the main parties of the dialogue Fatah and Hamas, and the most important challenges and obstacles which faced this role. The study ends up by subtracting a number of conclusions, despite the fact that there are a number of Motivations that stands behind the Egyptian role in the Palestinian national dialogue, but there are a remarkable motivations come on top of these such as; the motive which is associated with Egyptian national security, securing the eastern gate linking Egypt to Gaza, and Egypt's role as a primary regional player in the area. In addition, the desire of the ruling regime in Egypt in Containment the phenomenon of Hamas strength growing in the region, as it is emerged out of the Muslim Brotherhood, formulate an important role in pushing Egypt toward mediation, and influence in the Palestinian national dialogue. In conclusion the study presents a set of recommendations that aims to the success of the Palestinian national dialogue, and enhance the chances of success of the Egyptian role in the mediation and auspices for such a dialogue. The most important of these recommendations that Palestinian parties should take into consideration is the issue of Egyptian national security, especially the stability of the situation on the Egyptian border with Gaza, and not to do activities that could contribute in fomenting the Egyptian side, or affect the national security of Egypt. Palestinians in different political spectrum, elites and even general public can also contributes in activating and strengthening the role of Egypt in its quest for success of the dialogue, and by activating the pressure from the street under clear and specific titles achieves reconciliation between Fatah and Hamas, and to exercise direct pressure on the parties to push them towards the achievement of the reconciliation faltered. During the preparation of this study certain changes and transformations occurred in the Arab scene as a result of the so-called Arab Spring, Egypt has had a largest share of these transformations, as a result of a popular revolution President Mubarak's regime fell down , this gave the Muslim Brotherhood a chance to reach power in Egypt. Thus this raises a significant questions about the future of the Egyptian role in the dialogue and its prospects for success and continuity, and whether Egyptian support for Hamas movement will be affected from what it was during the reign of former President Hosni Mubarak?
The Role Of Civil Society Organizations In Promoting Political Participation in Palestine
(2008) Nasser Mahmoud Shaikh Ali; Dr. Nayef Abu Khalaf
This thesis discuss the history; development and mission of Palestinian Civil Society as well as their role in changing the Palestinian society’s trends and attitudes vis-a vis a modern civil society. A comparison between the Western Civil Society and those in Palestine is also illustrated on various levels. The thesis is divided into five chapters the first of which includes an introduction as well as a theoretical plan in which the researcher introduces his academic method of study, the objectives of the study and the relevant literature survey. The second chapter includes two key issues, the first of which discusses the theoretical definition of the civil society and the non-governmental organizations’ history and development, and the various kinds and degrees of political participation in modern democratic societies. The second key issue concentrates on the Palestinian civil society organizations, the different kinds of these organizations, their development, and their vision regarding the political participation process. The third chapter discusses the role of the Palestinian Civil Society Organizations in promoting the political participation process as well as the different types and degrees of this kind of participation. Factors influencing the civil society organizations’ efforts in promoting the political participation process and pertaining trends are discussed in the end of this chapter. The fourth chapter discusses the difficulties and obstacles that undermine the CSO’s efforts in playing an active role in promoting the political participation process. Weakness of Palestinian Civil Society, their hesitation in being pioneers for a change, and their relations with the various political parties are also discussed. This chapter also discusses the somehow tensed relationship between the Palestinian Civil Society with the Palestinian National Authority (PNA) because of the tough regulations imposed on them. Outstanding differences on financial matters between these NGO’s and the PNA on one hand, and donors on the other hand, and the continuous struggle between the organizations and the PNA over the use of funds are also highlighted. The fifth and last chapter includes a summary and conclusion that highlight key issues. The researcher also sustains the vital role that Palestinian NGO’s play in building a civil society in Palestine. The last part of the thesis includes some recommendations for promoting the role of Palestinian Civil Society in Palestine. Those recommendations could be of benefit to different parties including the NGO’s themselves, the PNA and the Palestinian society by and large.
Role of Higher Education in the Promotion of Palestinian Identity and its Impact on Political Development from the Perspective of Students and Staff An-Najah University as a Model
(2010) Burhan Hafiz Abdul Rahman Khatatba; Dr. Nayef Abu Khalaf; Dr.Salah Yassin
This study aims at recognizing the role of higher education in enhancing the Palestinian identity and its impact on the Political development from the perspective of students and staff. The researcher has used two tools: the questionnaire (a statistical analysis), to know the perspective of students in the field of (university curriculums, the teaching staff, the students movements, and the university administration); and the interview (a qualitative analysis), to know the perspective of staff. To realize that, I’ve carried out the study on a sample of students and staff in the university formed of (411) students of both genders as well as (20) staff in the university. The statements have been dealt with statistically using the mathematical medians, percentages, (T) test for two independent groups, analyzing the singular discrepancy and (LSD) test for dimensional comparisons between arithmetical medians. The study has reached to the following conclusions: The total degree for the role of higher education in enhancing the Palestinian identity and its impact on the political development from the perspective of percentage of (68.6); a thing that shows the role of higher education mediation in enhancing the Palestinian identity and its impact on the political development from students has fetched a median of (3.34), a normative deviation of of (0.42) and a the perspective of students. By discussing the hypotheses, it was shown that there were no differences of statistical significance vis-à-vis the level of the sign (α=0.05) in the role of higher education in enhancing the Palestinian identity and its impact on the political development from the perspective of students is ascribed to the variable of gender in the role of university curriculums, student’ movements and university administration; whereas there are differences ascribed to the variable of gender in the role of teaching staff, total degree for the benefit of males. The results have shown as well that there are differences of statistical significance vis-à-vis the level of the sign (α=0.05) in the role of higher education in enhancing the Palestinian identity and its impact on the political development from the perspective of students is ascribed to the variable of residence, where the differences were for the benefit of village and camp students. The results have shown as well that there are differences of statistical significance vis-à-vis the level of the sign (α=0.05) in the role of higher education in enhancing the Palestinian identity and its impact on the political development from the perspective of students is ascribed to the variable of political affiliation in the role of university curriculums, student’ movements and university administration. The results have shown that there are differences of statistical significance vis-à-vis the level of the sign (α=0.05) in the role of higher education in enhancing the Palestinian identity and its impact on the political development from the perspective of students. The results have shown that there are differences of statistical significance vis-à-vis the level of the sign (α=0.05) in the role of higher education in enhancing the Palestinian identity and its impact on the political development in the whole domains of study from the perspective of students is ascribed to the variables of (studying level and faculty). The result of interviews with the workers at the University have displayed that the University administration is performing a group of activities and transactions likely to deepen the national identity, enhance that .it is worth mentioning that the University philosophical education aims at stabilizing affiliation and allegiance via the investment of human resources to realize development that is demanded in the society. In the light of the study aims and its results, the researcher recommends of several recommendations.
The Role of Locally Printed Press in the Democratic Transformation in the West-Bank Al-Quds As a Model (2004-2007)
(2008) Hafez Ali Hafez Abu Ayyash; Dr. Nayef Abu Khalaf
In tackling the role of the locally printed media in democratic transformation, the researcher, in this study, linked automatically the mass media, in their general form, with both political development and democracy. Further, the researcher worked to identify the dialectical relationships which link them with each other. The media's job is to allow the flow of objective and neutral information and expression of all opinions based on the principle of opinion versus other opinion, thus increasing political participation, as an important principle in democracy, and effecting a political and cultural momentum that contributes towards the required change, through political development, to get to modernization, the essence of political development itself. Besides, the researcher linked between the media and elections and emphasized the essence of relationship linking them especially in the freedom of opinion and expression. Neither elections nor media are possible without that freedom. The media cannot be excluded because they are one of the joints of the democratic process during the election period and they play a key role in pushing the course of democracy. Against this background and despite the dramatic developments in the field of information technology, which has led to the development of the mass media and their impact on printed press, emergence of satellite channels and Internet, the researcher still believes that the age of the printed press has not ended. Its role is still valid until today. This form of press has not become defunct and is still a major player given the characteristics it enjoys over other forms of mass media. The news story, written and published in the paper, is different from the news story in electronic media: TV, radio, Internet. Writing has the potential to fire the reader's imagination to think of the events, through contemplation, refer to these events a number of times and adopt an idea in a certain way. The reader can also quote from the written text and subject it to criticism and comment, thus enriching subject of debate and contributing to uncover of truth. Equally important, the paper will also have a greater opportunity to analyze the news story because it is published the next day, thus giving it another opportunity to collect more information, analyze it and present it on its pages in logical fashion and this will enable the reader to understand and learn. To move from theory to practice, the researcher chose Al-Quds daily as a model for his study in order to test his three hypotheses. The first part of the first hypothesis was that Al-Quds contributed to democratic transformation through quantitative analysis which revealed the volume of the paper's coverage of its subjects as well as its commitment to several criteria stipulated in the Palestinian Elections Law. The other part of the hypothesis predicted weak contribution of Al-Quds towards democratic transformation in the light of the result of qualitative analysis which showed lack of depth in the analysis of news stories and reports. The other two hypothesis were proved to be true concerning the legislations, which regulate the work of the media, including the printed press. They had impeded the democratic transformation. It was also found that presence of democracy reinforced the role of locally printed press and contributed to democratic transformation. The researcher divided his study into four chapters and used two scientific methods. The first, used in the first three chapters, was the descriptive analytical method. While the second, used in the fourth chapter, was the analytical method of content: qualitative and quantitative. Chapter one was devoted to the theoretical conceptual framework. In this chapter , the researcher defined a number of concepts: press political development, democracy, democratic transformation. In addition, he identified the common ground of all these concepts in an analytical context which shows the nature of relationships and existing overlap between them. Chapter two dealt with the reality of locally printed press in Palestine from a historical perspective starting from the Ottoman era (1876-1918) to the British occupation (1918-1948) to the Jordanian and Egyptian rule of the West Bank and Gaza Strip respectively (1948-1967), the Israeli military occupation (1967-1994) and ending with the advent of the Palestinian Authority in 1994 to 2007. This historical surrey was meant to shed light on the circumstances which the Palestinian press has experienced, and the laws which governed its operation, and the most outstanding papers which were produced during these eras. The chapter also examined the roles which the press played since its introduction to Palestine, and the extent of differences from one era to another. Chapter three was devoted to the examination of the most important theories on democratic transformation, democratic media and the possibility of projecting them on the Palestinian case and the Palestinian media in particular. In chapter four, the researcher conducted an analysis of the role of Al-Quds in the democratic transformation in Palestine through a systematic sample determined during legal periods in which its was allowed to exercise electioneering publicity during the three democratic transformations which began with the holding of local government elections on Dec.23, 2004, the second presidential elections on Jan.9 2006 and which ended with the legislative elections on Jan.25, 2006 . The researcher examined the extent of Al-Quds's commitment to present all points of views of candidates in an impartial and objective way. In order to find out the degree of the paper's respect of the laws and regulations stipulated in the Palestinian Elections Law which was passed to organize the elections process including the exercise of electioneering. At the end of the study, the researcher provided a number of conclusions as well as several recommendations which might contribute to the solution of the problem of the study.

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